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THE 

^tiMtcattotts of tf)e Prince g>octetp* 

Eflablifhed May 25th, 1858. 



SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE 

AND HIS ENTERPRISE OF 

COLONIZATION IN AMERICA. 




JSogton: 

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY, 
By John Wilson and Son. 
1903. 

1 

\ 



TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte 



AND HIS ENTERPRISE OF 



COLONIZATION IN AMERICA. 



HIS DISCOURSE TO PROVE A NORTHWEST PASSAGE TO CATAIA ; 
HIS LETTERS PATENT FROM QUEEN ELIZABETH; CAPTAIN 
EDWARD HAIES' NARRATIVE; AND OTHER IMPOR- 
TANT PAPERS AND LETTERS, TOGETHER 
WITH ANNOTATIONS 
AND A 



INCLUDING 



MEMOI R 



BY THE REV. CARLOS SLAFTER, A.M. 



Boston; 



PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 



1903. 




THE LIBRARY OF 
CONGRESS, 

Two Copies Received 

JUN 19 1903 

Copyright Entry 

Atc*^ t> - / <\ oh 

CLASSY ^ XXc No. 
COPY A. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1903, by 

The Prince Society, 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



lEiJttor : 

THE REV. CARLOS SLAFTER, A.M. 



PREFATORY NOTE BY THE PRESIDENT OF 
THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 




HE Council have great fatisfaclion in prefenting to 
the Members of the Prince Society another mon- 
ograph on the early attempts to plant an Englifh 
colony on the Continent of America. Our three 
monographs in this line of hiftorical ftudy have not been 
iffued in chronological fequence. This volume is the firft in 
the order of time. The Editor, in his Memoir, has juftly 
intimated that a long procefs of experiment, of trials and 
failures, was neceffary for the achievement of final fuccefs in 
colonization. 

The period from the difcovery of our northern coafl: by 
John Cabot in 1497 to the planting of our earlier! perma- 
nent colony in Virginia in 1607 covers one hundred and ten 
years. During this period the capitalifts and men interefted 
in colonial enterprife were not idle. Profound ftudy was 
given to the fubjecl in all its relations and poffibilities. 
Plans were often formulated, confidered, and abandoned. 
Schemes, from time to time, were entered upon and finally 
allowed to dwindle and pafs away. 

The 



VI 



Prefatory Note. 



The three moft promifing of thefe undertakings have been 
fet forth in the form of monographs in our publications. 
The firft has been delineated in the prefent volume, the en- 
terprife of Sir Humfrey Gylberte. The fecond relates to Sir 
Walter Ralegh and his vafl and bafelefs project of planting a 
colony in North Carolina. The laft, in order of time, is that 
of Sir William Alexander and his ingenious and fomewhat 
Utopian fcheme of a colony in Nova Scotia. While the 
undertaking of Alexander was a few years later than the 
eftablifhment of our Plymouth Colony in Maffachufetts Bay, 
it neverthelefs derived its infpiration from the pre-colonial 
period. It did not, and could not, avail itfelf of any experi- 
ence of fuccefsful Englifh colonial planting on American foil. 

A careful ftudy by the general hiftorian of thefe three 
monographs will enable him to comprehend and treat this 
period more intelligently, more fully, and more truthfully 
than has been done in the paft. They develop plainly the 
caufes of failure, and fuggefl more or lefs clearly the condi- 
tions of fuccels. Thefe enterprifes involved a large but ne- 
ceffary expenditure of time, of treafure, and of precious lives, 
without immediate or adequate fruitage. Neverthelefs, this 
pre-colonial period furnifhes an interefting and valuable chap- 
ter in the hiftory of the American Continent. I think I am 
authorized in faying that it is a diftinct fatisfaclion to the 
members of the Prince Society that they have been able to 
furnifh the means of this important ftudy. 

The original hiftorical material, which is the bafis of the 
prefent volume, divides itfelf into two diftincl groups. 

The firft includes the papers and documents contained in 
the third volume of Richard Hakluyt's voyages, reprinted in 

1 809-1 8 1 2, 



Prefatory Note. 



Vll 



1 809-1 8 1 2, and edited by Mr. George Woodfall, of London, 
in five fuperb folios. Richard Hakluyt was a contemporary 
and friend of Sir Humfrey Gylberte. After the tragic 
ending of Sir Humfrey 's expedition of 1583, Mr. Hakluyt 
collected together and publifhed the narratives of the 
furvivors, with other related papers, and they are clearly 
authentic and truftworthy. 

The fecond group includes fome thirty-five letters, papers, 
and other documents, copied at the expenfe of the Prince 
Society, from the original manufcripts in the State Paper 
Office in London, now for the firft time publifhed. They are 
various in charadter, and elucidate the extraordinary career 
of Sir Humfrey Gylberte in all its lingular and various phafes. 
They cover in this volume one hundred and ten pages. 

It is proper to ffcate that the Memoir of Gylberte in this 
work is the only complete one ever publifhed, and that it 
brings to light many new and interefting points in his char- 
acter and career. 

EDMUND F. SLAFTER, 

President of the Prince Society. 



Boston, 249 Berkeley Street, 
April, 1903. 



PREFACE. 




HIS volume relates to the dawn of Englifh Coloni- 
zation. The brief Memoir will introduce to the 
readers the man whofe ingenious fpeculations and 
earneft endeavors directed the moft enterprifing 
minds of England to the unexplored regions of North 
America. His elaborate Difcourfe, to prove the exiftence 
of a Northweft Paffage to China, is a choice example of the 
fcientific writing of an unfcientific age. The Letters Patent, 
granted to him by Queen Elizabeth, mow with what facility 
the fovereigns of her time gave away lands which they did 
not poffefs. The quaint Narrative of Captain Edward Haies 
can never lofe its intereft. as a profe epic of the fea. The 
other papers which complete the bulk of the work, many of 
them copied from the Englifh Archives and never before 
printed, will ferve as fide-lights to reveal the circumftances 
amid which Sir Humfrey Gylberte, the bold pioneer of Eng- 
lifh Colonization, made his way to practical failure and 
permanent fame. 

c. s. 

Dedham, Massachusetts, 
Apri], 1903. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Pages 

Prefatory Note v-vii 

Preface ix 

Memoir of Sir Humfrey Gylberte 1-50 

Discourse by Sir Humfrey Gylberte to prove a 

Passage by the Northwest to Cataia . . . 53-91 
Letters Patent by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Hum- 
frey Gylberte for Planting a Colony in 

America, 1578 95-102 

A Narrative of the Expedition of Sir Humfrey 
Gylberte for the planting of an English 
Colony in America, written by Captain 

Edward Haies 105-158 

A Relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth. . 161-166 
Letter of Stephen Parmenivs to Richard Hak- 

luyt, 1583 169-174 

Letter of Sir Humfrey Gylberte to the Rt. Hon. 

Sir Francis Walsingham, Feb. 7, 1582 . . . 177-180 

LETTERS AND PAPERS FROM THE ENGLISH 
ARCHIVES. 

Gylberte's Petition to Queen Elizabeth, 1566 . . 183, 184 
Gylberte's Proposals for Discovery to Queen 

Elizabeth, 1567 184-186 



xii Contents. 

Pages 

Queen Elizabeth to the Lord Deputy Sidney, 1567 187, 188 
Sidney's Memoranda of the Queen's Wishes, 1568 1 89-191 
Sir William Cecill's Commendation of Sir Arthur 

Champernowne, 1567 192 

Captain John Warde to Cecill. Gylberte's Over- 

throw of fltzmaurice and mccarthy more, 

1569 193 

The Queen to Sidney about the Earl of Desmond 

and gylbertes pay, 1 568 194, 195 

Gylberte to Cecill: Service in Munster as Col- 
onel, 1569 196, 197 

Capt. John Warde to Cecill: Bravery of Gyl- 
berte, 1569 197-202 

Reckoning of Sir Humfrey Gylberte, 1570 . . . 202-206 

The Earl of Ormond to Heneage: Gylberte's 

Services, 1570 206,207 

Gylberte's Letters Patent as Surveyor of Horses, 

Armour, etc., 1571 208-212 

Lady Katharine Mountjoy to Burghley : Lease of 

House for Copperas Works, 1572 212,213 

William Meadley to Burghley about changing 

Iron into Copper by Vitriol, 1572 .... 213-220 

Petition to the Queen : Endorsed by Gylberte, 

Peckham, etc., 1574 221,222 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte's Report, 1572: Discourse 

on Ireland 222-228 

Petition of Gentlemen of the West Parts to the 
Lord High Admiral Linxoln respecting a 

Voyage of Discovery, 1574 228-237 

A Discourse Ho\v Hir Majesty may annoy the 

King of Spayne, 1577 237-244 



Contents. xiii 

Pages 

HUMFREY GYLBERTE TO WALSYNGHAM, COMPLAINING 

of Mr. Knoles, 1578 245-248 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte to Walsyngham Explaining 

Knoles' Conduct, 1578 248-250 

Certificate of the Causes why Mr. Knoles de- 
parted from Sir Humfrey Gylberte, 1578 . 250-252 

List of Ships' Officers, Ordinance, etc., of Gyl- 

berte's Expedition of 1578 253-258 

Commission to Sir Humfrey Gylberte, 1579 . . . 258-260 

Sir John Gilberte to Walsingham, thanking him 

for Favors, 1578 260,261 

Lord Justice Drury to Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 

Commission to extend his Powers, 1579 . . 262 

Instructions by the Justice and Council to Sir 

Humfrey Gylberte, 1579 262-264 

Walsyngham to Gylberte about his Ship no longer 

needed in ireland 265 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte's Reckonings for his Ships, 
" Anne Auchier," " Relief," and " Squirrell," 
July 21 to October 16, 1579 266-268 

Sir Warhame Sentleger to the Earl of Ormond. 

Sir H. Gylberte's Ship, " Relief," 1579 . . 268,269 

Articles of Petition by Sir Thomas Gerrard and 
Sir George Peckham to Walsyngham. Gyl- 
berte's Patent, 1580 270,271 

Walter Rawley to Walsyngham about Sir Hum- 
frey Gylberte's Services, 1581 271,272 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte to Walsyngham. His Need 

of his Pay, 1581 272, 273 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte to Walsyngham, asking Pay 

for Ship's Service in Ireland, 1581 . . . - 274-2-7 



XIV 



Contents. 



Pages 

Articles of Agreement between Sir Humfrey 
Gylberte and those who adventured with 

HIM, 1582 278-295 

Remembrances for the Lady Gylberte touching 
the Manor of Minster in the Isle of 

Sheppey. January, 1583 295-297 

Act of Incorporation of the Prince Society . . 300 

Constitution and By-Laws of the Prince Society 301-304 

Officers from its Organization 305-306 

Officers of the Prince Society 307 

The Prince Society, 1903 308-314 

Publications of the Prince Society 3 1 5-317 

Volumes in Preparation by the Prince Society . 317 



Index 3 l 9-33S 



MEMOIR. 



UR curiofity is never more agreeably exercifed 
than in tracing the events of a human life. 
Our intereft in any great achievement culmi- 
nates in the perfonal hiftory of the chief actors. 
Hence every man who has made a refpectable 
figure in the world feems to deferve fome appropriate memo- 
rial. The lapfe of time and the confequent lofs of authentic 
information may render a full biography impoffible ; in fuch 
inftances the lefs complete memoir may take its place. 

It is evident that the prime object of a perfonal memoir 
mould be to furnifh the reader with a correct view of human 
character and defert. However brief the record, it mould 
reveal to us the fpirit and motives of the fubject. To con- 
ftruct fuch a record would feem to require accurate and 
adequate knowledge, clear difcernment, and a happy exercife 
of juftice and charity. 

The times in which men have lived often palliate a courfe 
of action which in our day would be inexcufable. Hiftoric 

i perfonages, 




2 



Memoir of 



perfonages, therefore, mould be judged with due regard to 
the light which (hone upon their pathway. The prevailing 
cuftoms and beliefs of their age often excufe, and fometimes 
almoft juftify, erroneous principles and practices. The 
ftandard of morality and jultice, even among civilized and 
chriftian nations, varies from age to age. The prefent 
is not generally a fair criterion of the diftant paft. We 
cannot with juftice cenfure any man for not being in ad- 
vance of his age. It is enough that he compare favorably 
with his countrymen and contemporaries. 

A proper refpect for thefe obvious truths will prepare us to 
enter upon the ftudy of Sir Humfrey Gylberte's 1 character 
and career. Unfortunately, we mall be obliged to collect 
our fcant material from many and mifcellaneous fources. 
We mail be chiefly dependent on the glimpfes we get of 
him, as he appears on the ftage of England's hiftory. The 
parts he acted were not the leading ones ; and yet we find 
him an interefting perfonality. He was fufficiently original 
in character to be a notable figure, though feldom the moft 
prominent. 

Greenway, an ancient country feat of the Gylbertes of 
Devonfhire, about three miles above Dartmouth and on the 
oppofite, or eaftern, fide of the eftuary of the river Dart, was 
his birthplace. The Gylberte manfion commanded a near 
profpect of the fliipping, abundant at that day, conftantly 
paffing between Totnefs at the head of tide navigation and 
the deep and fpacious roadftead of Dartmouth. The in- 
rufhing tide twice a day warned the bafe of the woody flopes 

of 

1 We follow this fpelling of the name fignature, in all his numerous letters 
out of refpecl to the one who bore it, as in the Englifti Archives printed in this 
the higheft authority to be confulted. His work, is uniformly Humfrey Gylberte. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



3 



of his anceftral home. Thus Neptune may be faid to have 
received this infant upon his outftretched arms. The child 
foon became as much at home on the waters of Dartmouth 
harbor and Tor Bay as in the groves of Green way, or in its 

M Meadows trim with dailies pied." 

Many of his kinfmen owned fhips, or commanded them ; 
and it was therefore quite natural that he mould at an early 
age give his thoughts to the art of navigation. His boyifh 
eyes muft have often danced to fee the waters of the hill- 
environed, chain-protected harbor all afoam with the keels, 
into which the awakening commerce of England was rapidly 
transforming the oaks of the Dartmoor forefts. No wonder 
he loved the fea, and in his laft hours felt no repugnance to 
that road heavenward, — " Sic itur ad aftra." 

Born in 1639, 1 the firft eight years of his life fell in the 
reign of that fturdy king, Henry VIII., the chief force of 
whofe royal prerogative had been exerted in wrenching the 
fpiritual interefts of England from the hands of the papal 
hierarchy. Humfrey was the fecond of three fons of Otho 
Gylberte and his wife Catherine, the daughter of Sir Philip 
Champernowne. Otho Gylberte died at the age of thirty- 
one, and foon after that event the mother of his three fons 
was married to Mr. Walter Ralegh. She bore him two 
fons, Carew and Walter ; the latter, thirteen years younger 
than Humfrey Gylberte, is well known to fame and needs no 
further mention. 

The alliances of Humfrey's parents with the Carews, 

Champernownes, 



1 The exact date of his birth does not appear in any records we have been able 
to confult. 



4 



Memoir of 



Champernownes, and other influential and intenfely prot- 
eftant families muffc have given a ftrong bias to his budding 
religious fentiments. The fiery atmofphere of religious per- 
fecution and the hot refiftance engendered thereby doubtlefs 
withered and feared his more delicate fenfibilities, and im- 
parted to his character a fterner quality. Charity and tol- 
erance had not then taken root in the Englifh heart ; or, 
if they had, their fruitage, and even their bloom, were impof- 
fible under the harm demands for religious conformity. 
Papift, proteftant, and puritan ruled in turn with the fame 
intolerant hand. 

Humfrey Gylberte was a proteftant, born, baptized, and 
confirmed in that ftrenuous faith, from which he was never 
to fwerve one hair's breadth. The converfation which the 
young Gylbertes heard in their Greenvvay home, we may be 
fure, was chiefly on topics of public concern and ferious 
import. Affuming, as is reafonable, that Humfrey was a 
boy of more than average mental powers, and withal poffeffed 
of a lively imagination, we cannot doubt that the ftories of 
Spanifh difcovery, colonization, and gold mines awakened in 
him an earneft longing for adventures and did much to make 
him the enthufiaftic vifionary he continued to be to the end 
of his bufy life. 

It is faid in the Encyclopaedia Britannica that Mrs. Kate 
Afhley, the governefs and trufted advifer of the Princefs 
Elizabeth, was a Champernowne, and a near relative of the 
young Gylbertes. If fo, it is not unreafonable to suppofe 
that they heard from this lady's lips glowing accounts of 
her royal pupil. It is not improbable that the young Gyl- 
bertes and Raleghs were on fpeaking terms with the 

Princefs 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 5 



Princefs Elizabeth ; and hence, even in childhood, acquired 
that admiration for her which afterwards ripened into fu- 
preme loyalty and devotion to the Queen. This may alfo 
account for the many fpecial favors they received from her 
majefty, and may alfo explain their rapid advancement in 
her fervice. 

The fix years of King Edward's reign, perhaps we mould 
fay of the Protectorate, gave the proteftant families of Devon- 
mire a feafon of comparative reft. But, as the young fover- 
eign was of a weakly conftitution, and hence was liable at any 
time to be fucceeded by a queen of Spanim defcent and 
Roman Catholic religion, there mull have been among zeal- 
ous proteftants fome well-grounded anxiety as to the uncer- 
tain future. 

When King Edward VI. died at the age of fixteen, Hum- 
frey Gylberte was two years his junior, but yet old enough 
to feel the change. Indeed, he foon had fpecial reafons to 
note the new order of affairs. His family, now having Mr. 
Walter Ralegh for its head, barely efcaped the vortex of a 
confpiracy, which was managed in Devonfhire by Sir Peter 
Carew, a coufin of the gifted mother. Sir Peter was fo 
ultra-proteftant, fo indifcreet, and fo impulfive that he precipi- 
tated his part of an extenfive plot againft the Catholic Queen 
and her contemplated Spanifh nuptials. 

This premature rifmg in Devonfhire was promptly fup- 
preffed ; and when, a little later, Sir Peter Carew found that, 
if he deflred to keep his head fafe on his moulders, it would 
be neceflary to efcape into France, Mr, Walter Ralegh failed 
out of Dartmouth and brought around to Weymouth harbor 
the good ftiip which carried Sir Peter fafely acrofs the Eng- 

Hfh 



6 



Memoir of 



lifti Channel. Thus Mr. Ralegh, the ftepfather of the young 
Gylbertes, came very near being a participant in the incipient 
rebellion. There is, however, not much doubt that, had the 
movement mown vigor enough to make fuccefs probable, the 
proteftants of Devonshire, Carews, Champernownes, Raleghs, 
and all, would have given it their earneft and open fupport. 

But fuch an event was not without its effecl upon the 
proteftantifm of the Gylbertes, Raleghs, and their coreligion- 
ifts ; it taught them the neceffity of caution and moderation. 
During the remainder of Mary's reign, they bore quietly, if 
not patiently, the difabilities and privations which me im- 
pofed. They did not court martyrdom : they bode their 
time, and were content to fecure at any honorable facrifice 
the fafety of the Princefs Elizabeth, in whom all the hopes 
of proteftantifm in England then centred. 

The fchooling of Humfrey Gylberte, doubtlefs, began early. 
It is faid that his father defigned him for the law. As his 
father died at thirty-one, when this fon was only eight years 
of age, he muft have feen in his child fome early fignes of 
promife. The boy was accordingly fent to Eton. That was 
the fchool moft patronized by the nobility and gentry. The 
affociations of the place would favor his ambition, its privi- 
leges would develop his talents. He was there probably 
when Mary came to the throne. He was fourteen years old 
at her fucceffion, and that age would be quite too late for a 
promifing lad to be entering upon his preparation for the 
univerfity. 

It is not eafy to determine whether young Gylberte was 
a foundation fcholar, that is, one of thofe living in the college 
and wholly fupported by it ; or an oppidan, one living out- 
fide 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



7 



fide at his own expenfe, and only receiving inftruclion in the 
fchool. We are inclined to think he was on the foundation, 
placed there foon after his father's death. If he was, we may 
get a glimpfe of the life he led there from an old document 
referred to by Howard Stanton in his work entitled The 
Great Schools of England, 

From this account of the arrangements of the Eton 
School about the middle of the fixteenth century, on the 
twenty-firft page of that work, we quote as follows : " The 
boys on the foundation were called at five in the morning 
by one of the praepoftors of the chamber, who at that hour 
in a loud voice cried out, ' Surgite.' While drefling them- 
felves and making their beds, the boys repeated a prayer in 
alternate verfes. Each boy fwept that part of the dormitory 
about his bed, and the praepoftor chofe four boys to collecl; 
the dirt into a heap and remove it. The whole of the boys 
then went in a row to warn, and afterwards repaired to the 
fchool. At fix o'clock the under-mafter entered the fchool 
and read prayers. The praepoftors took down the names of 
abfentees 3 and one praepoftor's fpecial duty was to examine 
the fcholars' hands and faces and report any who were un- 
wanted. The head-mafter made his appearance at feven 
o'clock, and the work of tuition began. The boys had din- 
ner at 1 1 a.m. and fupper at 7 p.m. ; except on particular 
occafions, thefe appear to have been the only meals. Great 
attention was paid to Latin compofition, both in profe and 
verfe ; and the practice of converfing in Latin was affiduoufly 
cultivated. Friday was flogging day." 

The full fignificance of Friday's ceremonies may be beft 
learned from an example. A few years before Gylberte's 

time 



8 



Memoir of 



time, the experience of Thomas Tuffer, 1 one of England's 
early poets, is thus defcribed in his own quaint verfe: 

" From Paul's 2 I went, to Eton fent, 
To learn ftraightways the Latin phrafe, 
When fifty-three ftripes given to me 

At once I had : 
For fault but fmall, or none at all, 
It came to pafs, thus beat I was. 

" See, Udall, 3 fee, the mercy of thee 
To me, poor lad." 

The Duke of Wellington, on revifiting this college of his 
youth, declared that it was at Eton he acquired the leffons 
which enabled him to conquer at Waterloo. Whether he 
referred to the Friday leffons or not, the Iron Duke did not 
fay ; but that he mowed himfelf while at Eton able to ftand 
up fquarely in a fight is well authenticated. Young Gylberte 
was no doubt, likewife, in a good degree prepared for his 
future career by his training at Eton. 

But 

1 Thomas Tuffer, 1524-1580, was the 3 "From Paul's I went" : Tuffer. be- 
author of Hundreth Good Pointes of fore going to Eton, was a chorifter boy 
Hufoandrie, 1557. Sir Walter JScott under John Redford in St. Paul's Cathe- 
fays of it: "There is nowhere to be dral, about 1535. 

found evidence of fuch rigid and minute e Nicholas Udall, 1 504-1 556. was 

attention to every department of Do- mafter of Eton School. 153 jl— 15-13. 

meflic economy." Fuller, inhis JVort/n'es where he was noted as a difciplinarian. 

of England, says of Tuffer, " This ftone He wrote plays in Latin and Englim to 

of Sifyphus could gather no mofs : none be performed by his pupils. One of 

being better at the theory, or worfe at thefe plays. Ralph Roijter Doijler, is the 

the practice, of hufbandry." The fol- Earlieft Englifh Comedy known to be 

lowing epigram appeared in 161 2: extant It was publifhed in 1565. but 

™ „ . . , . t was not known to be preferred till a 

Tuffer thev tell me when thou wert alive ^. n „ r j- r 5 ;„ ,c T o c„.. 

T , „ , i u - „ ■ c n , ijn copv or it was uncovered, m ibio. bev- 

Ihou, teaching tnntt thvielf couldlt never v ,-„. , . , , . . , ^, 

thrive- era * editions of it have been pnntec. the 

So, like the whetftone, many men are wont in Dodflefs Old Plays. Edited by 

To fharpen others when themfelves are William Carew Hazlitt, 1874. 

blunt. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 9 



But in due time he left this fchool qualified to continue 
his education at Oxford, a promotion won by proficiency. 
When he entered the Univerfity of Oxford, and how long he 
ftudied there, it is not poffible to determine. 1 In the reign 
of Queen Mary, Oxford was not a place where proteftants 
would enjoy a refidence. It would not enliven their fludies 
to affociate them with the burning of bifhops ; and we have 
reafon to believe that Humfrey Gylberte was not there to 
witnefs the agonies of Latimer and Ridley in 1555, or of 
Cranmer in 1556. 

In February, 1582-83, in a letter to Sir Francis Walfing- 
ham, Gylberte mentioned his " twenty-eight years in her 
majeftys fervice; " and in another letter written in 1581 he 
alluded to his twenty-feven years fervice, and near the end 
of the fame letter he fays that " Her Ma t! . e did never yet 
denye me anye thinge that I ever afked " and clofes by 
faying that he had "ferved her highnefs from a boye, to the 
age of white heeres." Now, affuming that he wrote delib- 
erately and truly, it would feem that he entered Elizabeth's 
fervice in 1554^ prefumably in his fixteenth year, and four 
years before fhe afcended the throne. In what capacity he 
ferved the Princefs, no records reveal. During thefe years 
fhe had an eftablifhment of her own at Hatfield, where her 
houfehold was not a very fmall one. Even when fhe was 
a prifoner in the Tower, her houfehold was not broken up. 
All its members had remained faithful and loyal till fhe 
returned home to refume the ftudies to which Roger Afcham 
had given her the clalfic keys. 

If 

1 The name of Sir Humfrey Gylberte 2 Doubtlefs young Gylberte was re- 
is in the Oxford Catalogue, but no ceived into the fervice of the Princefs 
date of his entering or leaving. through the influence of Mrs. Afliley, 

her governefs and trufted advifer. 



IO 



Memoir of 



If Gylberte's ftatement be accepted, he was in her fervice 
during the four eventful years next preceding her corona- 
tion. It is eafy to imagine his folicitude for her fafety when 
every opportunity was improved by her fovereign and the 
high officials of Church and State, to involve Elizabeth in 
the plots conftantly meditated, and occafionally breaking 
put, againft Mary's government. 

But Elizabeth was uniformly cautious and difcreet ; and 
that fhe had around her devoted and trufty fervants who 
could not be induced to betray her confidence, doubtlefs 
contributed not a little to her comfort and fecurity. As they 
faw the fires of perfecution flaming up on every fide, what 
deep, though silent, indignations muft have pervaded their 
daily life ! Yet they made no fign. The crafty wiles of 
thofe who were feeking the life of the Princefs found not 
the {lightest ground for accufation. The Tower clofed its 
ftrong gates upon Elizabeth ; but the Englifh people caufed 
them to be opened again : their admiration of the Princefs 
had been too often and too openly exprefled to be mifunder- 
ftood. The burning of an archbifhop and two bifhops at 
Oxford was enough for the people of England to bear. Any 
attempt upon the life of the Princefs Elizabeth would have 
releafed the pent up fires of their juft refentment, and Eng- 
land would have become the theatre of a terrible tragedy. 
We can hardly imagine the anxiety of thofe around the 
Princefs, including the fubjecl: of this memoir, as they 
watched the progrefs of threatening events. Had there 
been an Evelyn or Pepys among them to note the daily 
occurrences of thofe years, the record would be of abforb- 
ing intereft. 

The 



Sir Httmfrey Gylberte. 1 1 



The pofition of Humfrey Gylberte in Elizabeth's fervice 
previous to 1563, as has been intimated, is quite uncertain. 
But when fhe decided to occupy and retain Havre againft 
the united factions of the French monarchy under Conde 
and Montmorency, becaufe fhe deemed Havre a full equiva- 
lent for the lofs of Calais, fhe directed Warwick to defend 
and ftrengthen that place with a garrifon of nearly feven 
thoufand men. Among them was Humfrey Gylberte, hold- 
ing probably a lieutenant's commiffion, and having doubtlefs 
enlifted to aid the proteftant faction againft the Duke of 
Guife. 

During the perfiftent attempts to capture Havre the 
defenders were reduced by the arms of the affailants and 
the more deftruclive havoc of the plague to barely fifteen 
hundred men fit for duty. 

Gylberte was wounded on the 26th of September, 1563; 
how feverely, we cannot fay : but we can affirm that it was 
not by a minie ball propelled by fmokelefs powder: bows, 
pikes and matchlocks were then the chief weapons of affault. 

Warwick, having the fate of the garrifon of Rouen 1 frefh 
in mind, was more than willing to capitulate 2 with the 
privilege of withdrawing the fmall remnant of his forces. 
Probably not more than a thoufand of them returned to 
England ; but they carried with them the direful plague, 3 

which 

1 Rouen. Some Englifh from Havre 2 Ambrofe Dudley, Earl of Warwick, 
fet out to relieve Rouen. A few man- capitulated at Havre July 29, 1563. He 
aged to get within the walls. The town was known as Good Lord Warwick and 
was taken by the Roman Catholics, 061. was very friendly to the Puritans. 
25, 1562, and eight days were devoted Vide Biographia B 'ritamiica. Edited 
to plunder. It is needlefs to fay that by Andrew Kippis. 
Guife hung every proteftant he could 3 For a defcription of the plague fee 
find. Here the King of Navarre was Hecker's Epidemics of 'the Middle Ages, 
killed. London, 1846. 



12 



Memoir of 



which is faid to have claimed within a year twenty thoufand 
vidtims in London alone. 

This was not fuch a campaign as would encourage mod 
young foldiers; but it was in the fervice of the popular young 
Queen, and in its inception had a decided tinge of proteft- 
antifm; and this had attracted many young Englifhmen, 
and before Conde and Coligny had entered into a compact 
with Montmorency and the Queen Regent, had drawn many 
into this war as volunteers. But to hold Havre for Queen 
Elizabeth was in the line of his loyal duty, and Gylberte 
endured his wounds and faced the dangers of the plague 
without a murmur. He was then twenty-four years old, and 
had tailed fome of the moft bitter draughts of Government 
fervice, apparently with the effect of fharpening his appetite 
for more. We may therefore expect him to improve the 
flrfl: opportunity for renewing his efforts in behalf of ftrug- 
gling proteftantifm. 

But at this time the fcience of geography was rapidly 
enlarging ; and Humfrey Gylberte, who had made it the 
recreation of his leifure hours, was eager to fhare the honor 
and profit of new difcoveries. By his ftudy of maps, travels, 
and voyages he learned all that had been accomplifhed 
towards bringing a knowledge of the world within the grafp 
of the human mind. Relatively, a very fmall part of the 
earth's furface was well known. The beft maps of his time 
revealed an immenfe area of terra incognita. 

This aroufed his curiofity and love of adventure. He 
dreamed of wealth in the unknown lands equalling, or even 
furpaffing, that which was enriching the Spanifh merchants 
and monarchs. Though more of a foldier than feaman in 

experience, 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 13 



experience, he neverthelefs indulged in large plans and pro- 
jects of difcovery and exploitation in the unexplored regions 
of America. His fchemes were moft ambitious for himfelf 
and his brothers ; and in 1566 he petitioned the Queen, as if 
fhe were his perfonal friend, for ample privileges and immenfe 
powers as a difcoverer and occupant of a northweft paffage 
to Cataia and other eaftern parts of the World. The firft 
two papers, copied from the Englifh Archives, and found 
in another part of this work, viz. the petition and the propo- 
fals of Humfrey to Queen Elizabeth, will give the reader 
full information of his grand project. But we may note here 
that he firft propofed to accomplifh his defign without afking 
any pecuniary aid from the Queen, a confideration quite 
neceffary to fecure the attention of her frugal mind ; at the 
fame time he pictures the glorious refults of his fuccefs in 
enriching her kingdom and extending her fame. He afks 
for himfelf and his heirs a monopoly of the paffage he 
mould difcover, and that it fhould be perpetually under his 
control, and that the fhips and goods of thofe who attempted 
the paffage without his permiflion should be confifcated to 
his ufe. He likewise afks for himfelf and his two brothers, 
prefumably John and Adrian, and their defcendants the 
perpetual ufe of that undifcovered paffage; finally he foli- 
cits for himfelf the ufe for nineteen years of one fifth part 
of the cuftoms on merchandife returned by means of this 
difcovery. 

It is very evident that Mr. Gylberte did not forget his 
private interefts while planning for the glory of England 
and his fovereign. His thrift did not make him lefs the 
favorite of Queen Elizabeth. If fhe had granted his peti- 
tion, 



Memoir of 



tion, and a paffage to Cataia had been opened according 
to his hopes, the Gylberte brothers would have been the 
envy of all England. But the Queen's anfwer to this 
modeft requeft is not to be found ; and the propofals of 
Gylberte, made in 1567, for undertaking this voyage of dif- 
covery are modified in many particulars. A corporation for 
the difcovering of new avenues of trade feems to have been 
eftablifhed by Parliament, and as a member of this com- 
pany Gylberte makes his requeft and propofals. He now 
afks for two of the Queen's mips for the firft four voyages ; 
alfo feeks the governorship of all lands difcovered in thefe 
voyages. We can hardly imagine the wealth which his 
fancied fuccefs in this enterprife would have brought to the 
adventurer and his kindred. They were golden dreams, 
but their effect upon the thrifty queen has never been 
recorded. Years of fevere trial were to pafs before he 
would be permitted to try his fortune in unknown feas ; 
but the bright virions of his imaginative and hopeful nature 
regained their afcendency whenever there was a break in 
his military fervice. 

On the foil of Ireland the conteft between Papifts and 
Proteftants was vindi&ive and Ions; continued. It would 
be out of place here to enter upon a full account of it. It 
will be fufficient to fay that the effort to make Ireland a 
proteftant country was perfiftent and earner:. 

In the latter part of the year 1566, Humfrey Gylberte was 
a captain under Sir Henry Sidney in his military operations 
in Ireland againft the famous Shane O'Neil. After the 
deftruction of Shane, the defeat of the Geraldines, and the 
relinquishment of lands by the Earl of Defmond, there were 

large 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 15 



large areas of forfeited territory at the Queen's difpofal, and 
their occupancy on an extenfive fcale by military colonies 
was ferioufly confldered. But it was found that this would 
require an expenditure of more money than the thrifty 
Queen found it convenient to fupply. 

Another plan was accordingly formed, whereby a number of 
gentlemen, including Gylbertes, Chicheflers, Carews, Gren- 
villes and Courtneys, twenty-feven in all, propofed to relieve 
the Queen of all expenfe by taking poffeffion of a large part 
of Munfter at their own coft, and bringing the native Irifh. 
into fubjection, or driving them out of the province. It was 
an extenfive plan ; and, while the government hefitated, Sir 
Peter Carew, accompanied by Gylberte and a military retinue, 
went over to Munfter, to examine their claims, 1 carrying with 
them the parchments which they relied on as titles to the 
forfeited eftates. Deeming poffeffion the beft fupport of a 
title, Carew laid hold of fome eftates near Cork, belong- 
ing to the Earl of Ormond, a favorite of Queen Elizabeth. 
Hoftilities promptly followed ; and in a few weeks all Ireland 
was aroufed by exciting rumors of what was intended. As a 
natural refult, all united to refill this indifcriminate feizure 
of their lands. 

Sir Henry Sidney, however, declared them all rebels, and 
muttering what forces he could, Humfrey Gylberte meantime 
holding a command under him, made a vigorous campaign 
from Cork in the direction of Limerick, flormed feveral 
ftrongholds, and put every man to death whom he caught in 
arms. He left five hundred men under Gylberte, to guard 

Kilmallock, 

1 Sir Peter Carew's title of lands in III. Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. 
Ireland retted upon a Grant by Henry XXXIII. No. 52. 
II., and Rolls of Edwards I., II., and 



Memoir of 



Kilmallock, fince it was deferving of feverer treatment, be- 
caufe it had opened its gates to receive a force of rebels. 
Colonel Gylberte had orders " to tread out the fparks of the 
fire which Sidney had beaten down." 

His authority extended over Cork beyond the Pale, 1 Kerry, 
and Limerick. At the end of two months Gylberte made a 
report of his doings. He claimed to have eftablimed perma- 
nent quiet and obedience. He declared that Kerry was fo quiet 
that " he had but to fend his horfe-boy for any man, and he 
would come." Of his methods let him fpeak for himfelf in 
the following words of his report : " My manner of dealing 
was to mow them all that they had more need of her majefty 
than me of their fervice : neither yet that we were afraid of 
any number of them, our quarrel being fo good. I flew all 
thofe from time to time that did belong to, feed, accompany 
or maintain any outlaws or traitors : and after my firft fum- 
moning of any cattle or fort, if they would not prefently yield 
it, I would not afterwards take it of their gift, but won it per- 
force, how many lives fo ever it coft, putting man, woman, 
and child of them to the fword. Neither did I fpare any 
malefactor unexecuted that came to my hands in any re- 
fpect : ufing all thofe that I had protected with all courtefy 
and friendfhip that I might ; being for my part conftantly 
of this opinion, that no conquered nation will ever yield 
willingly their obedience for love, but rather for fear." 

We could almofl wifh that Colonel Gylberte had never left 
this frank and felf-convicling record ; but, as he did leave it, 
it would not be honefl to ignore it. At the date of Gylberte 's 

fway 

1 Vide Sir Hu?nfrey Gylberte^s Dif- parte of Ireland onelye inhabited by 
courfe 071 Ireland. Papers from Eng- the Englifh men, or fubjecl; to England, 
li/h Archives in this work. " The V 1 . called the Englifh pale." 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 17 



fway in Munfter, Englifh youths were often roufed to pat- 
riotic zeal by tales of Spanifh atrocities in the Netherlands; 
but there is no claim, fo far as we know, that Alva's bloody 
fword ever touched defencelefs age, women, or children. 

And yet Gylberte was not a wicked man according to the 
ftandard of his age. He was regarded by his contemporaries 
as a brave and chivalrous gentleman. In this very Irifh fer- 
vice, he difplayed a wonderful and truly beneficent courage. 1 
Single-handed he held a ford near Kilmallock againft a com- 
pany of horfemen in order to cover the paffage of his friends. 
Indeed, his fe verity received high official approval, and no 
word of blame is recorded. In writing of him to Cecil, the 
Queen's prime minifter, the accomplifhed gentleman, Sir 
Henry Sidney, fays : " For the Colonel I cannot fay enough. 
The highways are now made free w T here no man might travel 
unfpoiled. The gates of cities and towns are now left open, 
where before they were continually fhut or guarded with 
armed men, There was none that was a rebel of any force 
but hath fubmitted himfelf, entered into bond, and delivered 
hoftages, the arch-rebel, James Fitzmaurice only except, who 
is become a bufh-beggar, not having twenty knaves to follow 
him. And yet this is not the moft nor the beft that he hath 
done : for the eftimation that he hath won to the name of 
Englifhman there, before almoft not known, exceedeth all the 
reft; for he in battle brake fo many of them, wherein he 
mowed how far our foldiers furpaffed thofe rebels, and he in 
his own perfon any man he had. The name of an Englifh- 
man is more terrible now to them than the fight of a hundred 

was 

1 See Capt John Ward's letter to Cecil, in Letters from Engli/k Archives in this 
work. 

3 



i8 



Memoir of 



was before. For all this I had nothing to prefent him with 
but the honor of Knighthood, which I gave him : 1 for the 
reft, I recommend him to your friendly report." 2 

We might well fuppofe that fo delightful a ftate of affairs 
in Munfter would be carefully maintained, every confidera- 
tion feeming to demand it ; but public policy determined 
otherwife. Not Ions; after his effective rule at Kilmallock 
had been eftabliihed, Gylberte was called away to England ; 
and in a few weeks the only vifible refults of his efforts in 
reforming Ireland were his knighthood and the burning 
hate which his fe verity had created. Fitzmaurice, the bufh- 
beo-o:ar, was as;ain Kins: of Munfter, and the few who had 
mown favor to the Englifh had paid their penalty on the 
gallows. Gylberte's example had been followed, and even 
excelled in cruelty, by the vengeful Irifh Lords. Retalia- 
tion, with added refinements of torture, took away all ground 
for complaint of his atrocity. 

And here it is interefting to fee how his fervices were 
regarded feveral years later by his half-brother, Sir Walter 
Ralegh, who wrote to Sir Francis Walfmgham in 1 581 from 
Cork literatim as follows : " Would God the fervices of Sir 
Humfrey Gilberte might be rightly lokt into; who w th the 
third part of the garrifone now in Irland, ended a rebellion 
not miche inferior to this, in to monethes, or would god his 

own 

1 Sir Henry Svdnev to Sir F. Waiting- account. I made him knight Jan. i, 
ham. *' I conftituted Captain Gylberte 1570. After Sir Humfrey Gylbert's de- 
Commander and Colonel of all Munfter. parture to England, the rebel got force 
He brought James Fitz Maurice to a again until Sir John Parott was fent to 
very bafe eftate. So. enjoying great be Lord Prefident of Munfter." — State 
victory of the fupprerTed rebel, he came Papers. Carew. Vol. DCL, p. 89. 
to me' with great joy to Tredath, bring- 2 Vide Sidney to Cecil, Jan. 4, 1570, 
ing with him Sundry perfonages of good MSS. Ireland. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 19 



own behavior 1 were fuche in peace as it did not make his 
good fervice forgotten & hold hyme from the preferment] 
he is worthy of, I take god to witnes I fpeak it not for 
affection, but to difcharge my duty to her Majefty, for I 
never hard nor rede of any man more fered thun he is 
among the Irifh nacion, And I do affuredly know that the 
beft aboat the Earle of Defmond, ye & all the unbridled 
traytors of thes partes wold cum in [to] hyme, & yeld them- 
felves to the Queens mercy were it but known that he were 
cum amonge them. The end mail prove this to be trew." 

If the Gylberte fyftem of reform in Ireland had been 
followed out, it would doubtlefs have been effective ; but the 
Irifh as a nation would have been exterminated as the 
aborigines have been in America. The Queen evidently 
did not wifh to take the refponfibility for this plan of reclaim- 
ing and colonizing the fifter ifland. 

She called Gylberte home ; and he foon found another 
field in which to defend proteftantifm, or rather the pro- 
teftant Queen. He was chofen a member of Parliament 
for Plymouth in 157 1. In this Parliament feveral queftions 
arofe which involved in fome degree the royal prerogative. 
One of thefe queftions related to the church fervices. Sir 
Humfrey was extreme in maintaining, on this iflue, the 
abfolute authority of his fovereign, declaring that the dif- 
cuffion even of any fubject relating to it was outfide the 
proper fphere of parliamentary duty, and a hazardous en- 
croachment on the rights of the Queen. 

This ultra loyalty was not acceptable to the Puritan 

members ; 

1 Careful fearch has not enabled us alludes to as fo damaging to the pre- 
to find what " behavior " Sir Walter ferment of Sir Humfrey. 



20 



Memoir of 



members ; and one of them, the blunt Peter Wentworth, 
attacked him feverely for mifinforming the Queen in refpect 
to a motion, as relating to her prerogative. He ftyled 
Gylberte " a flatterer, a liar, and a naughty man : " and 
when Gylberte attempted to explain and juftify his conduct, 
the Commons three times refufed to hear his defence. 1 

We can hardly fuppofe his conduct had been difcreet if a 
majority of the houfe were fo earneft in their difapproval. 
This being the only incident of his parliamentary career 
mentioned by Englifh hiflorians, we may juftly infer that 
Sir Humfrey did not attain high eminence as a ftatefman. 
Still he may have been a ufeful member of parliament ; and 
we cannot fuppofe he would be lacking in zeal for the wel- 
fare of England, as he underftood it. We can eafily fee 
that all meafures relating to the improvement of her naval 
and commercial interefts would enlift his intelligent and 
earneft fupport. 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte married Anne, the daughter of 
Sir Anthony Ager of Kent, probably before he became a 
member of Parliament. She bore him five fons and a 
daughter. 

His family refidence feems not to have been permanent; 
for fome years it was at Limehurft, but later it was in Red 
Crofs Street, either in London or Dartmouth where he wrote 
the letter contained in this work. 2 But the quiet of home 
life never kept him long from the more attractive duties of 
her majefty's fervice : he always flood ready for a fcene of 
adventure, either on the fea, or on the land. 

While 

1 Vide Dictionary of National Bio- 2 For Sir Humfrey's letter, confult 
graphy ; alfo Devon Affociation Tranf- Table of Contents. 
aclions, Vol. XI. pp. 466-479. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 21 



While he was a member of Parliament or foon after, to 
honor Queen Elizabeth he planned an Academy bearing 
her name to be eftablifhed in London. Although his defign 
was never carried out, it remains as a direct proof of his 
breadth and liberality of mind. Like many of his pro- 
jects it was a germ which under the foftering care of 
other minds and in more favorable times might fpread its 
branches and bear valuable fruit. The Royal Society of 
London is regarded by fbme as the confummation of Sir 
Humfrey's ideas. 

In 1572 Gylberte commanded fifteen hundred men in an 
expedition to the Netherlands. Hiftorians do not give a 
very diftinct idea of its aim. The object, not very openly 
avowed, was prefumably to affift the proteftants againft the 
Spanifh. But from the want of a clear and definite plan, 
and becaufe of fome mifunderftandings, the earner! efforts 
of Colonel Gylberte were not of much avail. Very confider- 
able hardfhips were endured, and no material advantage was 
gained. The men under his command did not, in his eyes, 
honor themfelves or their nation by a proper difplay of 
courage ; and he returned to England thoroughly difgufled 
at his want of fuccefs in a perilous adventure. There is 
reafon to fuppofe that his character as a commander in the 
field fuffered from the failure of this expedition, and that he 
was not commended by his government. 

The Queen at that time was not acting an open and deter- 
mined part, and feemed unwilling to give free encouragement 
to thofe who were moft earner! in promoting the interefls of 
proteftantifm. She did, however, retain Sir Humfrey in a 
moft honorable pofition. The Queen's Letters Patent, dated 

June 



22 



Memoir of 



June 25, 1 571, made him Surveyor-General of "all horfes, 
Armour, weapons, munitions, artillery, etc., through England 
during feven years thereafter," an office of great refponfibility 
which he difcharged with approved (kill and fidelity. 

But in this line of duty he led a quiet and what feemed to 
fome a retired life, and his name for feveral years is not aflb- 
ciated with any important public event. We will not attempt 
to give the fpecific duties of his office ; but from the papers 
copied from the Englijli Archives in this work we learn 
that, in addition to other functions, he was charged with 
important pecuniary interefts and trufts. 

He then refided at Limehurft and appears to have devoted 
his leifure to fuch ftudies as his tafte and learning fuggefted. 
He freely indulged his fpeculative genius on various plans 
and devices which then claimed the attention of the more 
enterprifing fpirits. It was no difcredit to him to be fond of 
money, for his expenditures more than kept pace with his 
income. Confequently we find him and Sir Thomas Smith 
entering into a curious fpeculation with one William Mead- 
ley who profelTed ability to tranfmute iron 1 into copper. At 
five hundred pounds per annum, they rented an eflate of 
Lady Katherine Mountjoy where this work could be con- 
veniently done, and one may fee by the Papers copied from 
the Englijli Arc/iives in this work that Lord Burlegh was 
appealed to for advice and approval by both the leffor of 
the eftate and the tranfmuter of metals. From the long- 
letter of the alchemift Meadley it is eafy to infer that Sir 

Humfrey 

1 "According to the Baron von Liebig, the philosopher's ftone, and in the poffi- 
the diftinguimed German chemift, the bility of the tranfmutation of metals." 
great Francis Bacon, Luther, Benedict Vide Liebig 's Familiar Letters on 
Spinoza, and Leibnitz, all believed in Chemiftry. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 23 



Humfrey Gylberte, fo long as he was the unfufpecting dupe 
of falfe fcience, was eanly managed ; but when he dif- 
covered the cheat, he made himfelf very difagreeable to the 
felf-deluded impoflor. He doubtlefs recovered a large part 
of the money he fo foolifhly inverted. 

It was an age of difcovery ; and commercial expanfion was 
beginning to be the favorite study of Englifh merchants. 
Spanifh fupremacy on the fea was the great obftacle to be 
overcome or avoided. Gylberte entertained the belief that 
this difficulty might be neutralized by a Northweft Paffage 
to Cataia and the Indies. To eftablifh, in advance of dif- 
covery, the exiftence of fuch a paffage, he in accordance with 
the cuftom of his age fearched for light in the writings of 
the ancients. Then he fupplemented this dim light of an- 
tiquity by the more or lefs vague beliefs and furmifes of the 
later geographers. His treatment of the fubject feems even 
childifh when viewed in the light which modern geograph- 
ical difcovery and fcience have diffufed. But his difcuffion 
of the Northweft Paffage is an admirable illustration of the 
Scientific weaknefs of the fixteenth century. It is a fearch 
for truth by a man blinded and milled by authority, a 
mode of fearch not wholly abandoned in this enlightened 
age. 

Dreamy conceptions in the poetry of Greece and Rome 
were treated as if rooted in reality. In his own fond dream 
he wove together all the dreams he could find, and believed 
the refultant tifTue a fabric of folid truth. We are not 
furprifed to find that his ardent theorizing influenced the 
enterprife of his day, that it actually fet on foot an expedi- 
tion, to fecure the advantages of his learned fpeculations. 

In 



2 4 



Memoir of 



In 1574 he was vifited in his home at Limehurft by George 
Gafcoigne, the dramatift and poet, to whom he mowed his 
Difcourfe of a Difcovery of a Northweft Paffage to Cataia. 
His zealous friend gave publicity to Gylberte's theory; and 
it is faid that, in confequence of this difclofure, Martin Fro- 
bifher received a licenfe, bearing the date of February 5, 1575, 
to make the difcovery of a Northweft Paffage to Cataia. 1 On 
our modern maps a fmall inlet on the American coaft, juft 
north of Hudfon Straits, bears the name of Frobifher's 
Strait. For a time this was fuppofed to be the coveted 
Northweft Paffage to the Indies extending from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific Ocean : fmall fruit indeed of fo much ingenious 
fpeculation and brave endeavor!! 

In 1576 Gafcoigne edited and publifhed Gylberte's dif- 
courfe, as fome affert, without the confent of the author. Its 
views, harmonizing with the earner! defires of all enterprifing 
Englifhmen, were widely accepted and raifed high expecta- 
tions. Gylberte's name and that of Frobifher ranked in 
interefl with thofe of Columbus and Vefpucius; and by gen- 
eral aflent flood ready to be attached to any lands or waters 
which mould be made known by their combined wifdom and 
feamanfhip. 

But Gylberte's hope of difcoveries, in corroboration of his 
grand theory of the Northweft Paffage to Cataia or China, 
did not leffen his attempts to furnifh his Queen all poffible 
aid againft the power of Spain. In 1577 he fet forth an elabo- 
rate difcourfe explaining how her majefty might annoy the 
king of that realm. It was a proportion to fend out a large 

number 

1 Cataia, fometimes written Cathaia, or Cathay, an indefinite region embracing 
the empire of China. 



Sir Humfrey Gyiberte. 25 



number of armed veffels under the pretence of planting colo- 
nies in America ; but when a favorable opportunity was 
found, they mould fall upon the Spanifh colonies and {hip- 
ping in the Weft Indies and gain entire poffeffion of both. 
Such a tranfaclion, when there were no open hoftilities 
between the countries, would at the prefent day be regarded 
as nothing lefs than piracy. Elizabeth never heeded, nor 
even noticed, the advice. Probably the only effect of it was 
experienced by its author, when a year later he was himfelf 
in a condition to be greatly " annoyed." Certainly, if the 
Spanifh became aware of the advice he had given to his 
queen, as they probably did through fome of thofe Roman- 
ifts which fhe perfifted in retaining at her court, they would 
naturally feek to repay him for it. 

But, if we may fuppofe, as fome do, that for feveral years 
Sir Humfrey did not enjoy the Queen's full confidence, we 
may conclude that before 1578 he had in a good degree 
regained her favor, though we doubt whether fhe ever had 
entire faith in his ability to perform what he planned. 

Elizabeth was not a vifionary perfon, and doubtlefs had 
little confidence in the virions which Gyiberte faw at Lime- 
hurft. But the fubject of colonization did intereffc her. She 
had given liberally in aid of Martin Frobifher's expeditions, 
and had even fuggefted the name, Meta Incognita, for the 
lands bordering the fuppofed entrance to the Northweft 
Paffage. Perhaps fhe even dreamed of a Virginia that 
mould preferve the memory of her moft peculiar charafter- 
iftic. The colonizing of America would meet with lefs 
refiftance than that of Ireland. Its vaft wilds were thinly 
peopled by a race of men capable of but feeble refiftance, 

a and 



26 



Memoir of 



and who could be eafily controlled and made ferviceable as 
hunters and collectors for the fur trade. 

The Queen received Sir Humfrey's petition for the privi- 
lege of founding a colony in America with evident gratifica- 
tion. She would have to incur no expenfe ; and, moreover, 
was flattered with a profpect of confiderable advantages to 
the commerce of her realm. The expectation of finding 
mineral treafures was an incentive to all fuch enterprifes, 
and the frugal-minded Queen at the time indulged bright 
hopes in that direction. Accordingly fhe granted him a 
charter, bearing date of June eleventh, 1578, empowering 
him to plant a colony in America and be himfelf the gov- 
ernor, the only refervation being a fifth part of all the gold 
and filver found therein. 

Gylberte feemed to be nearing the goal of his ambition. 
He now entertained the hope of eftabli filing himfelf near the 
entrance of that Northweft paffage to Cataia or China where 
his colony, and himfelf efpecially, would reap all the commer- 
cial advantages of his elaborate dreams. We can imagine, 
and in the abfence of data can only imagine, the prepara- 
tions he made for his darling enterprife. He invefted all his 
means and hazarded all his reputation, and brought together 
what he regarded as an ample fupply of men and fhips for 
his daring purpofe. Hakluyt fays, in his Voyages Vol. III., 
page 186, "the preparation was expected to grow into a 
puiffant fleet able to encounter a king's power on the fea." 

Many bufy months were fpent in the work of organiza- 
tion. It was the firffc Englifh colony ever projected, unlefs 
we except thofe futile attempts to colonize in Ireland ; but 
it was planned without any experience, or any model. How 

it 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 27 



it was conftituted, we cannot fay ; but we cannot doubt 
that Gylberte had a plan, and put into it his beft intentions 
and his utmoft endeavors. 

Having done this, he fet fail from Dartmouth, September 
23, 1578. But whither ? Evidently he knew not. He was 
to find a land to colonize. It is very hard for us to under- 
ftand this peculiarity of his undertaking. His voyage was 
to a ftrange land, a long coaft, whofe topography and climate 
were utterly unknown. He doubtlefs fully believed the 
theory which he had prefented in his difcourfe of a North- 
weft Paffage, and hoped in fome degree to verify his golden 
dreams. But there is no record of what courfe he defigned 
to take, or what point to reach. He feldom was careful to 
regifter his aims, or unfuccefsful performances, and none of 
his company have fupplied this neglect. 

All we know definitely is that his earnefT; endeavors ended 
in failure. Hakluyt fays of the expedition, " it began, con- 
tinued, and ended adverfely." Divided counfels, broken 
promifes, and Spanifh 1 efpionage and hoftilities all contrib- 
uted to the unfortunate refult. He was not a Drake to 
encounter obftacles by turning them to his own advantage. 
How far he proceeded, whether he reached the Azores or 
not, is quite uncertain. That he might have accomplifhed 
more, but for his honefty and fidelity to his word of promife 



" I have fent a man expreffly to returned . . . and the man I fent with 

make the voyage in Humfrey Gylbertes them has returned, 
mips, fo that, if he returns, he will give « London 22 d of Feb. 1579." 

a full account of it to me. 



to 



1 Vide Englijh State Papers, Spanijh, 
1578, Aug. 14. 

Mendoza to the King. 



Idem, 1679, Feb. 26. 

Mendoza to the King. 
" Humfrey Gylberte and Knollys have 



"London, Aug. 14, 1578/ 



28 



Memoir of 



to her majefty, he intimates in a letter contained in this work 
Writing to Sir Francis Walfingham, Feb. 7, 1582, O. S., he 
fays: "It may pleafe you to be advertifed that in my firft 
enterprife, I retorned with greater lofs becaufe I would not 
myfelfe, nor fuffer any companye to do anythinge contrarye 
to my worde given to her ma tie and yourfelfe : for yf I had 
not farr p'rfered my credit before my gayne, I needed 
not to return fo poore." What "gayne" he fo honorably 
refufed, it would be moll gratifying to know ; but that he 
prided himfelf on this felf-facrifice is plainly feen. 

After a winter of ufelefs effort, but where fpent no one 
has feen fit to record, and he himfelf willingly buried it in 
oblivion, a winter alfo of perils and difappointment, he re- 
turned to Plymouth in May, 1579, having funk his money 
and weakened his reputation and influence ; but his hope 
and courage furvived. 

He believed that by this failure he had learned what was 
neceffary to fuccefs, and was frill determined to profecute 
his favorite work under the queen's patent whenever he 
fhould obtain the means and a fair opportunity. 

Before the expiration of the year 1579, Sir Humfrey is 
again on the coaft of Ireland, this time with Sir John Perrot, 
as admiral of the Queen's mips. But this employment was 
not very profitable, or prolonged: for in 1581 he declared 
in a letter to Walfingham his utter deftitution of means for 
a comfortable living. Still his attention was not withdrawn 
from his favorite projects. 

He now devoted himfelf more earneftly to obtaining 
means to profecute his fcheme of colonization, and in time 
fucceeded in finding men willing to fhare in the expenfe 

and 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 29 



and profits of the enterprife. Sir George Peckham was his 
moft earner! coadjutor, and aided him with his wealth and 
by his pen, as may be feen in his Report which is contained 
in Vol. III. Hakluyt Voyages, as mowing the pecuniary 
advantages hoped for by the adventurers. 1 

To make provifion for a voyage into unknown regions, 
both to difcover and to colonize, required a man of Sir 
Humfrey's enthufiafm and hopefulnefs. He thoroughly 
enjoyed the purfuit of vifionary fchemes. The uncertain- 
ties that would have caufed other men to hefitate were 
fimply incentives to pufh him on. What he would need 
to fuftain a colony in a wild country and rigorous climate 
muft have required careful ftudy and feleclion. 

But a far more important confideration was the fort of 
men that w r ere to form the body of his undertaking, granting 
that he was a fuitable head and was fupported by competent 
and honeft affirmants. The operatives, whofe hands, mufcles, 
and difpofition were to effect the work of the voyage and fet- 
tlement, were of the utmoft confequence. 

The 

1 Spanish Suspicion of the Alfo Mendoza wrote to the King 

Voyage. in May 6, 1 583, from London : " The 

Council have fuggefted to the Catholics 
Mendoza wrote to the King of Spain, to contribute a fum of money to carry 
Jan. 9, 1581 : u Humfrey Gylberte who on the enterprife in Florida upon which 
accompanied Knollys on his other voy- Humfrey Gylberte has failed with the 
age is to go with fix mips to Cuba, with mips I defcribed to your Majefty, in 
the intention of fortifying himfelf on which cafe they promife to releafe the 
fome convenient fpot where he may fally prifoners, and will allow them to live 
forth and attack the flotilla leaving without perfecution. As they have been 
Santa Domingo, New Spain, Peru, and warned that the expedition is an illicit 
other neighboring places. They are alfo one, and fear that the offer is only a trap 
preffing Frobifher to renew his attempts to difcover them, they are keeping in the 
to difcover a northweffc paifage to Cathay back ground, although fome few Catho- 
and the Moluccas, which, notwithftand- lies, out of indifference and penury, 
ing the difficulties he formerly encoun- have gone with Gylberte, felling what 
tered, Drake is decidedly of opinion muft little property was left to them for this 
exift in that direction." purpofe." 



Memoir of 



The bufy days of preparation at laft came to an end. The 
men and veffels all affembled in Caufet Bay near Plymouth. 
It was refolved to put to fea immediately. But here the 
queftion arofe, whether they mould proceed at once to the 
Cape of Florida, 1 and, thence coafling northward, choofe 
the mofl defirable place for their colony. The feafon being 
now well advanced, for it was already June, favored this plan 
of procedure. But other confiderations induced Sir Hum- 
frey to fleer towards a northern part of the American coaft. 
A confiderable delay of failing had been occafioned by ad- 
verfe winds 2 and other caufes ; and a large part of their pro- 
vifions had been confumed. To replenifh this flock, they 
decided to fail direclly to Newfoundland, where they would 
find many merchantmen who had reforted thither to carry 
fupplies and obtain cargoes of fifh ; and when the fifhing 
feafon was pafi, Gylberte's company would be able to obtain 
from them fuch fupplies as they would have left over and be 
glad to difpofe of, and alfo any needed quantity of fifh. Then 
he could proceed fouthward to his place of fettlement in a 
milder climate. Had fuch a plan been adhered to, it 
feems as if the enterprife might have been crowned by 
fuccefs. 

Due precautions were taken to have every captain fupplied 
with inftruclions to guide him in all emergencies and make 
the voyage fafe againfl enemies and all poflible accidents, 
and above all to fecure the unity and harmonious movement 
of the fleet. 

Tuefday, the eleventh of June, 1583, with "a foft gale of 

Winde " 

1 How differently the voyage might 2 Vide Gylbert's Letter to Sir Fran- 
have refulted, had the Southern courfe cis Walfingham, p. 177. 
been chofen ! 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 31 



Winde " the following fhips weighed anchor and failed out 
of Caufet Bay : 

1. The Delight, alias The George, of 120 tons, was the 
Admiral, carrying Sir Humfrey Gylberte, commonly called 
the General, and Richard Clarke, mafter. 

2. The Bark Ralegh, of 200 tons, owned by Walter Ralegh, 
ftepbrother of Sir Humfrey, was Vice Admiral, Butler, cap- 
tain, and Robert Davis of Briflol, mailer. 

3. The Golden Hinde, 1 of 40 tons, was Rear Admiral, 
Edward Haies, captain and owner, and William Cox of 
Limehoufe, mafter. 

4. The Swallow, of 40 tons, had Maurice Brown as 
captain. 

5. The Squirrell, of 10 tons, had William Andrews as 
captain; Cade, mafter. 

The men of all ranks and occupations in thefe veffels 
numbered two hundred and fixty, including all the trades 
and callings which could aid the enterprife. Alfo fome 
" folace of the people and allurements of the favages were 
provided for in mufical inftruments," " not omitting," Captain 
Haies fays, " the leafte toyes, as Morris dancers, hobby horfes, 
and Maylike conceits, to delight the favage people whom 
we intended to winn by all fair means poffible. And to that 
ende we were indifferently provided of all petty haberdafherie 
wares to barter with thofe fimple people." 2 

Leaving Caufet Bay with a favorable wind, the firft day 

of 

1 Sir Francis Drake was knighted ford with fomething akin to veneration 
by Queen Elizabeth on board his fhip, and Captain Haies borrowed the name 
" The Golden Hinde," at Deptford, with a fimilar motive. 
April 4, 1 58 1. This was the fhip in 2 It is a curious fa<5t that not a fingle 
which he circumnavigated the world, native of America was met in the entire 
It was preferved many years at Dept- voyage. 



32 



Memoir of 



of promife was followed by a night of ftorm, thunder, and 
rain, which, however, was encountered without damage But 
Thurfday evening, when the veffels fignalled each other ac- 
cording to a plan previoufly eftablifhed, the Bark Ralegh 
fignalled that both the captain and very many of the men 
were fallen fick. A few hours later this largeft veffel of the 
fleet turned back and "arrived at Yarmouth greatly dif- 
trefTed." There was a report of contagious difeafe on board 
the fhip; and treachery on the part of Walter Ralegh has 
been hinted at ; but Captain Haies declares that he could 
never underftand the reafon for this return, and was fure that 
" no coft was fpared by Mr. Walter Ralegh in fetting them 
forth and therefore leaves it unto God." 

Notwithftanding this defection of his largefl veffel, Sir 
Humfrey did not flacken his voyage ; but made the Golden 
Hinde his Vice Admiral, and proceeded along the forty- 
eighth parallel of latitude towards the American coaft. But 
foon the weather became inclement, and from the fifteenth 
to the twenty-fifth of June, fogs, rain, and north weft winds 
prevailed. They made flow progrefs and were driven feveral 
degrees fouth of the latitude they defired to maintain. They 
were obliged to make long courfes fouthweft, and then 
north weft; thus the voyage was painfully protracted, and 
finally the members of the fleet became fcattered; and the 
Swallow and Squirrell difappeared. On the 27th of July, in 
latitude 50°, they faw immenfe icebergs crofting their track 
fouthward, thus revealing a ftrong ocean current from the 
north. 

On the thirtieth of July, feven weeks after leaving the 
coaft of England, fuppofed to be in latitude 51°, they found 

themfelves 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 33 



themfelves befogged in a large bay, perhaps White Bay, or 
Notre Dame, where they were furrounded by hideous rocks 
and mountains " bearing no trees and voide of any greene 
vegetation." This defcription of fcenery indicates Labrador, 
Then they turned back and coafted fouth, favored by fair 
wind and weather, till they came into Conception Bay, 
entering between the ifland called Baccalaos 1 and Cape St. 
Francis. Here occurred an event of peculiar intereft. 

The Swallow, which had fome days before been loft in 
the fog, now reappeared ; and her crew were all in new and 
ftrange apparel. And, what was ftill more wonderful, they 
were fo abundantly fupplied, fays Captain Haies, "that 
for joy and congratulations of our meeting, they fpared not 
to caft up into the aire and overboard their caps and hats 
in good plentie." 

The caufe of this novel difplay is very quaintly explained 
by Captain Haies in his Narrative; but we take the liberty 
of giving here a brief and fimple account of it, to fhow how 
fome of Sir Humfrey's forces were obtained. Soon after 
the Swallow was feparated from the reft of the fleet, it fell 
in with the bark Newlander, now on its return from a fuc- 
cefsful riming voyage. The crew of the Swallow obtained 
from their Captain, Maurice Browne, permiffion to go on 
board the fifherman, to procure, prefumably by purchafe, a 
fupply of provifions. But as foon as they were once on 
board of her, they proceeded to rob and fpoil her of tackle, 
fails, cables, victuals, and the men of their apparel. To 
make the fifriermen difclofe any concealed valuables, they 

put 

1 Baccalaos, a fmall ifland northeaft of Newfoundland. Sometimes the name 
is applied to Newfoundland itfelf. 

5 



34 



Memoir of 



put them to torture by twitting cords about their heads. 
When they had completed their plundering and were has- 
tening into their cock-boat, it was overturned ; and a few 
of the wretches were drowned : but moft of them were 
refcued by the fimple fouls whom they had maltreated 
and robbed. This act of piracy gave Captain Haies 
occafion alfo to relate that the Swallow was originally a 
pirate craft, captured in the narrow feas about England 
juft after the crew had feized two French barques, one 
laden with wine, the other with fait. The Englifh author- 
ities refcued and reftored the two veffels to their owners ; 
but the pirate craft " man of war," Haies ftyles it, and its 
predatory crew, were attached to Sir Humfrey's fleet. The 
veffel's name was changed, but the nature of its crew was 
not ; and as foon as an opportunity was given, they reverted 
to their former practice of fpoil and plunder, from which 
Captain Brown had no power of reftraint. That this dia- 
bolical outrage received no punifhment or fpecial attention 
from human authority is too evident, and mows the weak- 
nefs of the government maintained over the men in the 
fleet. It was a fign of what would work the final ruin of 
the expedition, for a fleet, fo compofed and fo loofely gov- 
erned, could not be expected, in the face of hardfhip and 
danger, to remain under fteady control. How the poor 
Newlander, thus deprived and difmantled, was able to com- 
plete her voyage of over two thoufand miles, Captain Haies 
appropriately fays : " God alone knoweth." I alfo find no 
indication of even the flighteft human effort made to repair 
the lofs flie had fuffered. It was doubtlefs left to the fame 
divine power to punifh thofe who had plundered them ; and 

we 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 35 



we are pleafed to learn that Captain Haies had the comfort 
of feeing retribution not long delayed. 

The tolerance of fuch conduct indicates the imperfect 
civilization of the fixteenth century, efpecially among fea- 
faring men. The fpirit of the Vikings furvived on the fea. 
Courage was prone to become lawleffnefs, and in the abfence 
of fuperior authority, boldnefs degenerated into favagery 
and crime. 

The doctrine that a Chriftian king in Europe could 
authorize his fubjects to invade, conquer, and by force of 
arms introduce the gofpel into any heathen country, was on 
a level with the morality of the Scandinavian Sea Rovers. 
The treatment of Montezuma did not feem to offend the 
Englifh confcience of Gylberte's time. Thofe who profefTed 
to offer the flefh and blood of Chriffc a daily facrifice on the 
altars of their cathedrals ought not to have been fo greatly 
offended by the offering up of an occafional human victim 
for the fins of the Mexican or Peruvian people. Certainly 
they were not more cruel than Abraham was willing to be, 
at the fuppofed beheft of the Almighty. 

With what gufto does Sir George Peckham recount the 
fuccefs of the Spanifh adventurers under Francefco Pizarro, 
who by treachery took the aged Peruvian monarch prifoner 
as if " through the aide of the Almighty " 1 he fecured his 
victim ; and after extorting from his people an unheard 
of amount of gold and filver as a ranfom, found a pre- 
tence for putting him to death, regardlefs of his folemn 
promife to protect him. But this is a digreffion : let us 
return. 

After 

i Vide Peckham's Report, Hakluyt, Vol. III. 



36 



Memoir of 



After the Swallow rejoined the fleet with her ftolen fup- 
plies of various kinds, thus replenifhed, they proceeded fouth- 
ward and foon found the Squirrell at anchor outfide of the 
harbor of St. John's, Newfoundland. The Englifh and 
other {hips in the harbor would not allow the Squirrell to 
enter. Had they heard of the piratical performance of the 
Swallow? No other explanation of their refufal is neceffary. 
So Sir Humfrey's collected fquadron had before them the 
unpleafant profpecl of being obliged to make a forcible 
entry. The General, feeing the mips in the harbor were 
too numerous to be harfhly treated, fent meffengers to them 
announcing his peaceful intentions, but, apparently without 
waiting for an anfwer, prepared to fail in through their 
midft. This feems to have been done hurriedly and fome- 
what careleffly, for though they prepared their " fights " to 
cope with any refinance, the Delight, the Admiral of the 
fleet, ran aground upon a rock in the narrow entrance to 
the port. But the Englifh merchantmen fhowed great 
friendlinefs by fending boats to tow the Admiral out of 
this danger. Sir Humfrey at once communicated with the 
temporary Admiral of the port, and when the principal 
captains of the merchantmen had afTembled on the Delight, 
he exhibited to them his commiffion and announced his 
intention to take poffeflion of the country in the Queen's 
name. His authority was promptly recognized by the Eng- 
lifh captains, and the others could of courfe make no refin- 
ance, even if they queftioned his right to command. Still 
defiring to proceed fouthward as foon as poffible, he aimed 
at a prompt difpatch of his bufmefs and conciliated the 
merchants by offering them all fuch favors as could be 

reafonably 



Sir Htimfrey Gylberte. 37 



reafonably granted ; and very foon entire harmony and 
content appeared to be eftablifhed. 

The condition of his fleet made fome aid neceffary, and 
he propofed to the merchantmen, if they furnifhed it readily 
to grant them in return valuable privileges, fuch as later 
on would be much more coftly. With many generous 
promifes of good fervice the merchants and matters took 
their leave of Sir Humfrey, and ordered all the great guns of 
their fleet to be difcharged, as a token of welcome to the 
new governor. This propitious beginning was made on 
Saturday the third of Auguft, 1583; and we may be fure 
that Sir Humfrey Gylberte retired to reft that night a truly 
happy man. 

But government is always attended by the inconvenience 
of taxation. Each of Sir Humfrey's fhips reported its 
wants to the merchants and mailers ; then all the fhips, as 
well the Englifh as ftrangers, including French, Bifcayans, 
and Portugals, were taxed "at an eafie rate to make fupplie." 
Collectors were alfo appointed to go into other harbors 
near, "to levie for this fame fupplie." In refponfe to the 
levy the Portugals were the moft generous, and fent, in 
addition to the levy, " prefents of wine, Marmalads, moft 
fine rufk, or bifket, fweet oyles, and fundrie delicacies," alfo 
liberal prefents of falmon, trout, lobfters, and other flfh were 
brought daily to Sir Humfrey's veffels. Every week, too, 
there was a feaft at the expenfe of the Temporary Admiral 1 
of the harbor, where Gylberte and all his captains were 
entertained moft bountifully. After their long voyage and 

fpare 

1 A captain or merchant was chofen from time to time for fhort terms to 
exercife chief authority. 



33 



Memoir of 



fpare living this abundance of good cheer was highly appre- 
ciated : and the more, fays Captain Haies, becaufe it was 
fo unexpected. But let us return to the daily progrefs of 
events. 

Sunday, the fourth of Auguft, the General and his Cap- 
tains accompanied the Englifh merchants on their cuftom- 
ary walk to a place called the Gardens, where they found a 
profufion of " wild odoriferous rofes " to delight the eye 
and an abundance of native " rafpis berries " to fatisfy the 
tafte. In fact, these flowers and fruits were in plenty every- 
where, to the great delight, as we may well imagine, of the 
fea-worn mariners. 

The day fuggefts the queftion, whether any religious 
fervice was held on this firft Sunday afhore. While none 
is mentioned we can hardly fuppofe it would be omitted by 
the devout Sir Humfrey and his followers. It would alfo 
feem very appropriate that the crew of the Swallow fhould 
make humble confefflon of their recent iniquities and, if 
poffible, receive abfolution after due penance had been 
appointed and paid. Can we imagine their attending 
fervice in their new attire obtained from the fifhermen 
from whom they extorted humble confeffion as to their 
fecreted clothing by the painful preffure of clofely twifted 
ropes? Surely the religion of that age admitted of ftrange 
poffibilities. 

It has been ftated that Sir Humfrey was fo delighted with 
the place and his firft Sunday on Ihore, that he unwifely 
decided to make St. John's the centre of his colony. The 
fteps he immediately took, indicate as much : and yet, it is 
almoft certain that he did not intend, or expect, to fpend 

his 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



39 



his firft winter there. He defired a milder climate, and 
his purpofe to haften fouthward allowed no delay in eftablilh- 
ing his authority over this centre of the fifhing interefts. 
It cannot be denied, however, that his courfe of action and 
the lofs of all his papers leave it quite uncertain what his 
defign was as to the final location of his colony. 

On Monday the fifth of Auguft he ordered his tent to be 
erected on Ihore, and there, attended by his officers, he fum- 
moned the merchants and matters of veflels, both Englifh 
and Grangers, to be prefent at his taking poffeffion of the 
country. When they were affembled, his Patent was read 
to them and duly interpreted to the ftrangers who were not 
familiar with the Englifh language. With due ceremony 
he took poffeffion of the harbor of St. John's and two hun- 
dred leagues in every direction " for her Majefty ; receiving 
into his hands a rod and a turf of the foil, and entering 
upon the land for himfelf, his heirs, and affigns, as a terri- 
tory of her Majefty which fhe authorized him to enjoy 
forever, and govern according to the laws of England, 
which muffc be obeyed by all coming thither for any pur- 
pofe whatever." 

As a beginning, he alfo publifhed three laws to be in force 
immediately. 

I. Religion in public Exercife mould be according to the 
Church of England. 

II. If any thing prejudicial to her Majefty's Right and 
Poffeffion of thefe Territories were attempted, the Party or 
Parties offending fhould be adjudged and executed as in 
cafe of High Treafon according to the laws of England. 

III. If any Perfon fhould utter Words founding to the 

Difhonor 



4 o 



Memoir of 



Difhonor of her Majefty, he fliould lofe his ears and have 
his Ship and Goods confifcate. 

Thefe lavves, notwithftanding their feverity, received ap- 
proval by the general voice of the affembly, " praying for the 
continuance of this poffeffion and government thus begun." 
With this the affembly was difmiffed and immediately after 
" the Arms of England, engraven in lead, were fet up on a 
Pillar of Wood." To fecure and carry into practice his au- 
thority, Sir Humfrey farmed out certain parcels of land lying 
by the water fide, to be occupied yearly by the grantees, or 
their affigns, who mould pay a certain rent, or fervice, to the 
grantor, his heirs, and affigns forever. Thefe were chiefly 
places for curing and drying their fifh, and made that work 
more orderly and convenient. 

It now remained to collect the fupplies and fit the veffels 
for continuing their voyage towards the fouth. That this 
might be done in a fyftematic way, Sir Humfrey appointed 
fuitable men to perform various fpecific duties : fome to 
gather the fupplies : fome to afcertain the products and 
economic features of the acquired lands and report to him ; 
and others to determine the latitudes and longitudes, and 
map the country, its harbors, mountains, and ftreams. 

Thefe duties were entered upon with zeal and fidelity, 
occupying the attention of the better part of his company. 
What pleafed the General mo ft was the report of the Refiner 
of Metals, Daniel the Saxon, as he called him, who brought 
him rich fpecimens of filver ore. This was really Sir Hum- 
frey's ruling defire. As Captain Haies fays : " The Gen- 
eral was moft curious in the fearch of metals." In fpeaking 
of Daniel, who was ordered to be diligent in the fearch, 

Haies 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 41 



Haies writes as follows : " He found ore which with no 
fmall ftiow of contentment he delivered unto the General, 
ufing protection that if filver were the thing that might 
fatisfie the General and his followers, there it was : advifmg 
him to feke no further: the peril whereof he undertooke 
upon his life ' fo dear to him as the crown of England unto 
her majeftie,' that I may ufe his own words, if it fell not out 
accordingly." 

Sir Humfrey had full confidence in Daniel's words and 
accepted his advice to let no one fee the ore, not even Cap- 
tain Haies himfelf ; and when the Captain alked for a piece 
of it, he faid, " Content yourfelf . I have feen ynough ; and 
were it to fatisfie my private humour, would proceede no 
further. And touching the ore, I have fent it aboord, 
Whreof I would have no fpeech to be made fo long as 
we remain within harbor : here being both Portugals, Bif- 
caians and Frenchmen not farre off, from whom muft be 
kept any bruit or muttering of fuch matters. When we are 
at fea, proofe fhall be made : if it be to our defire, we may 
return the fooner hither again." 

Entertaining fuch views, the head of the enterprife was 
haftening preparations to depart ; but others were harbor- 
ing very different intentions and were as bufy in plotting 
mifchief. Some of the unpunifhed pirates planned to fteal 
away by night in the mips while Sir Humfrey and the 
Captains were on more. Another party feized a veffel laden 
with fifh, putting the crew on more. Still others hid them- 
felves in the woods, watching for an opportunity to get to 
England on the returning mips that were now almoft daily 
departing from the coaft. Meantime many men were falling 

6 fick, 



4 2 



Memoir of 



fick, and fome died. All thefe caufes had fo weakened the 
General's forces that fcarcely enough fuitable men remained 
to man his veffels. 

In this emergency he decided to leave the Swallow at 
St. John's, to carry home the fick and difcontented ; and 
Captain Winter of the Delight was to take the command 
of her. Captain Maurice Brown of the Swallow was put in 
command of the Delight and brought into that fhip his 
men of piratical habit who had robbed the fifhing veffel a 
few weeks before. Sir Humfrey chofe to go himfelf in the 
little frigate Squirrell that he might be better able to explore 
bays and inlets where larger veffels could not enter fo fafely. 
This veffel is fuppofed to have been his private property; 
and as he was much attached to the men who had croffed 
the ocean in it and had been his companions in many perils 
on the coaft, he could not be content to leave them. 

On the twentieth of Auguft, 1583, three fhips, the De- 
light belonging to Sir Humfrey, the Golden Hinde, and the 
Squirrell, well fupplied with provifions, ftored chiefly in 
the Delight, the frigate Squirrell fomewhat overloaded on 
her deck with guns and furnifhings, as Captain Haies fays, 
" More to give a mow than with judgment to forefee unto 
the fafety of her and the men," departed from the harbor of 
St. John's. On the evening of the next day they reached 
Cape Race, twenty-five leagues diftant to the fouthweft. 

While they were becalmed there, in lefs than two hours 
they caught large codfifh enough to laft them many days, 
although they made them almoft their fole fubfiftence. From 
here they directed their courfe to Cape Breton, intending 
alfo to vifit Sablon, or Sable Ifland, becaufe Sir Humfrey 

had 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 43 



had been informed by a " Portugal " that thirty years before 
his countrymen had placed on this ifland fome cattle and 
fwine which had increafed to great numbers and could now 
be made of much fervice in planting a colony, either in 
Newfoundland or on the continent farther fouth. A knowl- 
edge of the climate would have fuggefted to him that it 
would require a very hardy race of kine or fwine to furvive 
without protection the winters of Sable Ifland. Sailing 
along fouth of Newfoundland with winds unfavorable for 
eight days without feeing land, they fell among dangerous 
fhoals probably not far from the ifland he intended to vifit 
On Tuefday, the twenty-feventh of Auguft, the founding of 
Gylberte's fhip fhowed white fand at a depth of thirty-five 
fathoms, and all the veffels failed a northwefterly courfe 
during the next day. 

Wednefday night there was much carouflng on board 
the Delight, and fhe failed on " with little watching for 
danger." Breakers were lighted on board the Hinde and 
Squirrell, and the Delight was fignalled to change her 
courfe; but the watch was fo poorly kept that the danger 
was not known till it was too late to efcape it. The Delight 
ran aground, and foon after her flern was broken to pieces. 
Sixteen of her crew including the mafter got away in a 
cock-boat, and were without provifions for feven days, but 
finally reached the fhore of Newfoundland, loling only two 
of their number. 

The Golden Hinde and Squirrell barely efcaped the 
danger. The lofs of their larger! fhip, the one which 
carried their chief fupplies, was very difheartening. The 
Refiner Henry and Stephanus Parmenius of Buda, the 

fcholar 



44 



Memoir of 



fcholar and poet who was expected 1 to write in Latin 
a hiftory of the expedition, were both involved in this 
cataftrophe. 

Under fuch difcouragements, the weather growing more 
fevere and winter approaching, the men loft hope and 
courage: and when the provifions began to be fcarce, it 
was impoffible to keep up their fpirits. In the Squirrell 
hunger and the want of comfortable clothing led the men 
to petition the General to return to England before they all 
perifhed. Their wifh to go home was foon made known 
by figns to the men on the Golden Hinde; and then they 
too became equally importunate to abandon the voyage. 

There was fome fhow of perfiftence in the captain and 
mailer of the Hinde ; but Sir Humfrey faw that with lofs 
of all courage among the crews, nothing could be accom- 
plifhed, and promptly decided to make the beft of his 
difappointment. He affured the officers of the Hinde that 
he mould return in the fpring with a better equipment. He 
is faid to have ufed thefe hopeful words : " Be content : we 
have feen enough : and take no care of expenfe paft. I will 
fet you forth royally the next fpring, if God fend us fafe 
home. Therefore, I pray you, let us no longer ftrive here, 
where we fight againft the elements." 

Accordingly on Saturday afternoon, the thirty-firft day of 
Auguft, they reverfed the courfe and began their return to 
England. While they were in the act of turning, a monfter 
refembling a huge lion, doubtlefs a large walrus, fwam by 
them and gave forth his peculiar howl. No wonder they 

were 

1 This provifion for a worthy record enterprife. Had it been fuccefsful, Par- 
reveals the ambition and exalted aims menius would have enjoyed a noble 
of the man who planned this unique theme, and we might read a noble epic. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 45 



were amazed at his terrible voice and " ugly demonftra- 
tion of long teeth." This appearance the General took as a 
bonum omen, " rejoicing that he was to war againft, fuch an 
enemie if it were indeed the devil." Our perfiftent adven- 
turer always took a hopeful view of all phenomena that dis- 
turbed his fuperftitious followers. 

Their efforts to return to England were at firft feconded 
by ftrong weft winds. But the gales increafed, and foon 
their violence raifed fuch lofty tumbling feas as almoft to 
bury the little craft now carrying the projector of the whole 
enterprife. No entreaty or threatening danger could induce 
him to fail in the Hinde as a fafer fhip than the Squirrell. 

They made fuch rapid progrefs that in two days they 
paffed Cape Race which they had left eight days before the 
lofs of the Delight. Captain Haies attributed a part of this 
fpeed to a ftrong current fetting to the northeaft, the earlieft 
recognition, perhaps, of what has fince been known as the 
Gulf Stream. 

Every near view of our General is now interefting. On 
Monday, September fecond, we find him vifiting the Golden 
Hinde, to have the furgeon drefs his foot which he had 
wounded by treading on a nail. But the painful errand did 
not prevent his comforting his followers with the affurance 
that their " hard fucceffe " was all paffed, and the good was 
now to come. On this occafion it was appointed that the 
two mips fhould always carry lights by night, to infure their 
keeping together. 

Another ftorm was foon encountered and paffed through 
in fafety and thankfgiving, after which, on a fair day, Sir 
Humfrey Gylberte made his laft vifit to the Golden Hinde, 

continuing 



4 6 



Memoir of 



continuing there all day and "making merry with the Captain, 
mafter, and men." 

" There were alfo," fays Haies, " fundrie difcourfes touch- 
ing affairs part and to come": Gylberte regretting with great 
forrow the deftruction of the Delight, the lofs of his men 
to the number of a hundred at leaft, together with his 
books, notes, and the collection of ores made by Daniel the 
Saxon. While fpeaking of this laft item of lofs, he became 
fo excited that he feverely chaftifed the boy who, on a fair 
day, when fent to fetch thefe treafures from the Delight to 
the Squirrell, had by his carelefTnefs and neglect allowed 
them to remain and be loft. The free circulation of the 
Portugal's wine on this merry occafion, it will be charit- 
able to fuppofe, may have made his indignation warmer 
than it ought to be fo long after the fault was committed. 
But the occurrence fhows how much he prized thefe con- 
clufive proofs of the real mineral wealth of his poffeffions. 
It is evident that by the force of thefe fame proofs he had 
hoped the Queen would be induced to lend him fuch a 
fum as would enable him to return the next year and fecure 
the rich treafures he had difcovered. His own words on 
this occafion, when he was aflced by what means he would 
be able to come back, as he had promifed, with two fleets, one 
for the north, the other for the fouth, difclofed the ground of 
his fanguine hopes : " Leave that to me. I will afk a pennie 
of no man. I will bring good tidings unto her majefty, who 
will be fo gracious [as] to lend me ioooo pounds." Cap- 
tain Haies adds : " He did thank God with all his heart for 
that he had feen the fame, being enough for us all, and that 
we needed not to feeke any further. Thefe laft words he 

would 



Sir H Winfrey Gylberte. 47 



would often repeate with demonftration of great fervencie of 
mind, being himfelf very confident and fettled in belief of 
inestimable good by this voyage : which the greater numbers 
of his followers, neverthelefs, miftrufted altogether, not being 
made partakers of thofe fecrets which the General kept to 
himfelf." 

After this interefting, and we may think too merry, inter- 
view, Sir Humfrey was conveyed back to his diminutive veffel 
which had once fafely croffed the Atlantic. All fuch fupplies 
as could enhance the comfort of his narrow quarters were 
freely furnifhed by the Golden Hinde ; and a final though ufe- 
lefs entreaty to remain in the larger and therefore fafer (hip 
was joined with thofe words of farewell, uttered by the cap- 
tain, mafter, and others. On his departure his laft words in 
reply to their earner! proteft were, " I will not forfake my 
little company going homeward, with whom I have paffed 
fo many ftorms and perils." 

" So they fet him aboard his pinnace committing him to 
God's protection," as Captain Haies quaintly remarks, " we 
being more than 300 leagues onward of our way home." 

The two little veffels, one of forty, the other of only ten 
tons burthen, now bore to the northward till they came into 
the latitude of fifty degrees ; 1 and when they were about the 
longitude of the Azores, or thirty degrees weft of Greenwich, 
they encountered great gales. The tumbling waves broke 
fhort and high like pyramids, a fea moft dangerous for fmall 

veffels 

1 This pofition of the mips near the Attention is called to this becaufe fome 
junction of the fiftieth parallel and the notable miftakes on this fubject have 
thirtieth meridian, muffc have been near been made. Longfellow's poem on Sir 
the place where Sir Humf rev's little vef- Humphrey Gilbert is an inftance. 
fel was fubmerged and his life was ended. 



48 



Memoir of 



veffels with decks heavily laden. On the point of the main 
yard of the Hinde, Caftor and Pollux appeared at night, pre- 
faging more ftorm and tempeft. 

On the afternoon of September ninth the General's fhip 
was nearly overwhelmed; but recovering herfelf, the crew 
mowed fignals of joy; and it is afferted that, as often as the 
two veffels came within hearing diftance, Sir Humfrey, 
fitting abaft with a book in his hand, cried out to thofe 
in the Hinde, " we are as near to heaven by fea as by land." 

The following night was more tempeftuous, and about 
twelve o'clock the Squirrell was juft ahead of the Hinde and 
her light was in full view of the watch on the latter veffel, 
when fuddenly that light went out and the little frigate dis- 
appeared, never to be feen again. Though there could be 
no doubt of her fad fate, yet the Captain of the Hinde 
watched all that night and, as he fays, " with but the fainteft 
hope of feeing her again," Signalled every fmall fail he met 
till he arrived on the coaft of England. 

Such was the tragic end of Sir Humfrey Gylberte and 
all his plans and glorious dreams. Down into the depths 
of the deep Atlantic he fank with his fhip, his crew, and 
his treafures. But his memory will not foon die. By his 
lludies and his noble attempts to achieve great things for 
his family, for his Queen, and for England, he won the 
refpecl; and even the admiration of his age : and though we 
are hardly able to lay afide the ftandard by which we effci- 
mate men in the twentieth century, yet we can but fee in 
him many noble qualities. He had, indeed, fome ferious 
faults : an ardent temper impaired his fuccefs as a com- 
mander; he did not know how to gain the homage of his 

followers, 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 49 



followers, efpecially thofe of the loweffc rank; his judgment 
was not fo clear as always to be an unerring guide in trying 
emergencies ; he diftrufted men and loft their confidence, 
when to have trufted them would have been far wifer : on 
the other hand, we can but admire his fidelity to duty, even 
though it led him into feverities for which his times and not 
himfelf fhould be largely held refponfible ; his loyalty and de- 
votion to his fovereign was an undying principle ; no one ever 
queftioned his patriotifm ; no danger ever equalled his cour- 
age ; enthufiafm glowed in all his work ; and enterprife had 
no more noble exemplification than the whole tenor of his 
earneft life. 

Of his private life at home and in his family we can 
fcarcely obtain a glimpfe. But his folicitude for his wife 
and children, fo plainly manifefted in his correfpondence, 
leaves no doubt that his domeftic virtues equalled his devo- 
tion to the public fervice. 

We muft fuppofe that his death and the great loffes 
attending his lafl two ventures, in which his wife's large 
eftate was ruinoufly involved, left his family with very 
flender means of fupport. And, while it is pleafant to 
believe that their ordinary wants were fupplied by both 
private beneficence and public provifion, 1 yet we cannot but 
regret that the golden hopes, cherifhed by Lady Gylberte 
and her children in fympathy with their natural protector 
and fupport, were never to be fulfilled. 

What 



1 June 1585. 
A graunte unto the Ladie Anne Gil- 
bert and to her affignes of all fuch lands 
in the countie of Kent as Richard Guil- 
ford Efquire was feafed of at the time 



of his departure beyond the feas con- 
trarie to a ftatute made againft fugitives. 
Procured by Sir Walter Rawley. 

Sig7iet Office, I?idex, Vol. II. 



7 



50 Memoir of Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



What chiefly interests us in the career of Sir Humfrey 
Gylberte, as we have unfolded it in the preceding pages, is 
his attempt, the firft ever made, to plant an Englifh Colony 
on American foil. As we have feen, his undertaking was an 
utter and abfolute failure. If Sir Humfrey had furvived, if 
he had fucceeded in planting a colony on the inhofpitable 
fhores of Newfoundland, or even on a better foil or in a bet- 
ter climate, with his purpofe of felf-aggrandizement and his 
love of power, his enterprife would inevitably have come to 
naught. It was deftined in the ufual courfe of human prog- 
refs that failures fhould precede fuccefs, that practical experi- 
ence mould be obtained at a great coft. Sir Walter Ralegh 
facrificed on the mores of North Carolina a vaft amount of 
treafure and many human lives without leaving any vifible 
refult. The Sagadahock attempt under the patronage of Sir 
John Popham, the Chief Juftice of England, had a brief ex- 
iftence, and went out like an air-bubble on the waters. Sir 
William Alexander, the Earl of Stirling's New Scotland 
Enterprife lafted but a few years, effected no permanent 
fettlement, and left behind it only the name of Nova Scotia. 

From all thefe failures doubtlefs much was learned. We 
may well believe that they were neceffary fteps, and in- 
ftructive examples in later fettlements which became lafting 
and permanent. 



DISCOURSE 

BY 

SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE, KNIGHT 



A DISCOURSE 

WRITTEN BY 

SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE, KNIGHT, 

TO PROVE A PASSAGE BY THE NORTHWEST TO 

CATAIA AND EAST INDIA. 1 



CHAPTER I. 

To proue by authoritie a paffage to be on the North Jide of 
America, to goe to Cataia, China, and to the Eaft India. 

HEN I gaue my felfe to the ftudie of Geographie, 
after I had perufed and diligently fcanned the 
defcriptions of Europe, Afia & Afrike, and con- 
ferred them with the Mappes and Globes both 
Antique and Moderne : I came in fine to the 
fourth part of the world, commonly called America, which 
by all defcriptions I found to bee an Hand enuironed round 
about with Sea, hauing on the Southfide of it the frete or 
ftraight of Magellan, on the Weft fide, Mar del Sur, which 

Sea 

1 This Discourse is taken from the Voyages of Richard Hakluyt, edi- 
tion 1810, London, Vol. III., pp. 32-47. 




54 



A Difcourfe by 



Sea runneth towards the North, feparating it from the Eaft 
parts of Afia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are : 
On the Eaft part our Weft Ocean, and on the North fide 
the fea that feuereth it from Groneland, thorow which 
Northern Seas the Paflage lyeth, which I take now in hand 
to difcouer. 

Plato in Timaso, and in the Dialogue called Critias, dif- 
courfeth of an incomparable great Hand then called Atlantis, 
being greater then all Affrike and Alia, which lay Weft- 
ward from the Straights of Gibraltar, nauigable round about : 
affirming alfo that the Princes of Atlantis did as well enioy 
the gouernance of all Affrike, and the moft part of Europe, 
as of Atlantis it felfe. 

Alfo to proue Platos opinion of this Hand, and the inhab- 
iting of it in ancient time by them of Europe, to be of the 
more credite ; Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle of Spaine, 
reporteth that there haue bene found by the Spaniards in 
the gold Mines of America, certaine pieces of Money 
ingraued with the Image of Auguftus Caefar : which pieces 
were fent to the Pope for a teftimonie of the matter, by 
John Rufus Archbifhop of Confentinum. 

Moreouer, this was not only thought of Plato, but by 
Marfilius Ficinus, an excellent Florentine Philofopher, 
Grantor the Graecian, and Proclus, and Philo the famous 
lew, as appeareth in his booke De Mundo, and in the 
Commentaries vpon Plato, to be ouerflowen and fwallowed 
vp with water, by reafon of a mightie earthquake, and 
dreaming down of the heavenly Fludgates. The like 
whereof happened vnto fome part of Italy, when by the 
forciblenes of the Sea, called Superum, it cut off Sicilia from 

the 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 55 



the Continent of Calabria, as appeareth in Iuffcine, in the 
beginning of his fourth booke. Alfo there chanced the like 
in Zeland, a part of Flanders. 

And alfo the Cities of Pyrrha and Antiffa, about Meotis 
palus : and alfo the Citie Burys, in the Corynthian bofome, 
commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus, haue bene fwallowed 
vp with the Sea, and are not at this day to be difcerned. 
By which accident America grew to be vnknowen of long 
time vnto vs of the later ages, and was lately difcouered 
againe by Americus Vefpucius, in the yeere of our Lord 
1497, which fome fay to haue bene firfl: difcouered by 
Chriftophorus Columbus a Genuois, Anno 1492. 

The fame calamitie happened vnto this Ifle of Atlantis 
600 and odde yeres before Plato his time, which fome of 
the people of the Southeaft parts of the world accompted 
as 9000 yeeres : for the maner then was to reckon the Moone 
her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere, which is our vfual 
moneth, depending a Luminari minori. 

So that in thefe our dayes there can no other mayne or 
Hand be found or iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis, 
then thofe Wefterne Iflands, which beare now the name of 
America: counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis, in 
the knowledge of our age. Then, if when no part of the 
fayd Atlantis, was oppreffed by water, and earthquake, the 
coaffc round about the fame were nauigable : a farre greater 
hope now remaineth of the fame by the Northweft, feeing 
the moft part of it was, fince that time, fwallowed vp with 
water, which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps 
and chanels, but rather be an occafion of the inlarging of 
the olde, and alfo an inforcing of a great many new : why 

then 



56 



A Difcourfe by 



then fhould we now doubt of our Northweft paffage and 
nauigation from England to India ? &c. feeing that Atlantis 
now called America, was euer knowen to be an Ifland, and 
in thofe dayes nauigable round about, which by acceffe of 
more water could not be diminifhed. 

Alfo Ariftotle in his booke De Mundo, and the learned 
Germaine Simon Gryneus in his annotations vpon the fame, 
faith that the whole earth, meaning thereby, as manifeftly 
doth appeare, Afia, Africk and Europe, being all the 
countreys then knowen, is but one Ifland, compaffed about 
with the reach of the fea Atlantine: which likewife prooueth 
America to be an Ifland, and in no part adioyning to Afia, 
or the reft. 

Alfo many ancient writers, as Strabo and others, called 
both the Ocean fea, which lieth Eaft of India, Atlanticum 
pelagus, and that fea alfo on the Weft coafts of Spaine and 
Africk, Mare Atlanticum : the diftance betweene the two 
coafts is aim oft halfe the compaffe of the earth. 

So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth manifeftly, 
that the Eaft Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus 
of the mountaine Atlas in Africk, or yet the fea adioining 
to Africk, had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the fame 
mountaine: but that thofe feas and the mountaine Atlas 
were fo called of this great Ifland Atlantis, and that the 
one and the other had their names for a memorial of the 
mighty prince Atlas, fometime king thereof, who was Iaphet, 
yongeft fonne to Noah, in whofe time the whole earth was 
diuided between the three brethren, Sem, Cam, and Iaphet. 

Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northweft 
will be found fauourable to this our enterprife, and am the 

rather 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 57 



rather imboldened to beleeue the fame, for that I finde it not 
onely confirmed by Plato, Ariftotle, and other ancient Phy- 
lofophers ; but alfo by all the beft moderne Geographers, as 
Gemma Frifius, Munfterus, Appianus, Hunterus, Gaftaldus, 
Guyccardinus, Michael Tramafinus, Francifcus Demongeni- 
tus, Bernardus Puteanus, Andreas Vauafor, Tramontanus, 
Petrus Martyr, and alfo Ortelius, who doth coaft out in his 
generall Mappe fet out Anno 1569, all the countreys and 
Capes, on the Northweft fide of America, from Hochalega to 
Cape de Paramantia : defcribing likewife the fea coaffces of 
Cataia and Gronland, towards any part of America, making 
both Gronland and America, Iflands, difioyned by a great 
Sea, from any part of Afia. 

All which learned men and paineful trauellershaue affirmed, 
with one confent and voice, that America was an Ifland : and 
that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it, Cataia, and Grond- 
land, by the which any man of our countrey, that will giue 
the attempt, may with fmall danger paffe to Cataia, the 
Moluccae, India, and all other places in the Eaft, in much 
fliorter time, then either the Spaniard, or Portugal doeth, or 
may doe, from the neereft parte, of any of their countreys 
within Europe. 

What moued thefe learned men to affirme thus much, I 
know not, or to what ende fo many and fundry trauellers of 
both ages haue allowed the fame : But I conieclure that they 
would neuer haue fo conftantly affirmed, or notified their 
opinions therein to the world, if they had not had great 
good caufe, and many probable reafons, to haue lead them 
therevnto. 

Now leaft you mould make fmall accompt of ancient 

8 writers 



58 



A Difcourfe by 



writers or of their experiences which trauelled long before 
our times, reckoning their authority amongft fables of no 
importance ; I haue for the better aflurance of thofe proofes, 
fet downe fome part of a difcourfe, written in the Saxon 
tongue and tranflated into Englifh by M. Nowel feruant to 
Sir William Cecil, lord Burleigh, and lord high treafurer of 
England, wherein there is defcribed a Nauigation which one 
Ochther made, in the time of King Alfred, King of Weftfaxe 
Anno 871, the words of which difcourfe were thefe: Hee 
failed right North, hauing alwaies the defert land on the 
Starborde, and on the Larbord the maine fea, continuing his 
courfe, vntill hee perceiued that the coaft bowed directly to- 
wards the Eaft, or elfe the Sea opened into^the land he could 
not tell how farre, where he was compelled to ftay vntil he 
had a wefterne winde, or fomewhat vpon the North, and 
fayled thence directly Eaft alongft the coaft, fo farre as hee 
was able in foure dayes, where he was againe inforced to tary 
vntill hee had a North winde, becaufe the coaft there bowed 
directly towards the South, or at leaft opened he knew not 
howe farre into the land, fo that he fayled thence along the 
coaft continually full South, fo farre as he could trauell in 
the fpace of fiue dayes, where hee difcouered a mighty riuer, 
which opened farre into the land, and in the en trie of this 
riuer he turned backe againe. 

Whereby it appeareth that he went the very fame way, 
that we now doe yerely trade by S. Nicholas into Mofcouia, 
which no man knew for certaintie to be by fea, vntil it was 
fmce difcouered by our Englifh men, in the time of King 
Edward the fixt : but thought before that time that Grone- 
land had ioyned to Normoria, Byarmia, &c. and therefore 

was 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 59 



was accompted a new difcouery, being nothing fo indeede, as 
by this difcourfe of Ochther it appeareth. 

Neuertheleffe if any man mould haue taken this voyage 
in hand by the encouragement of this onely author, he mould 
haue bene thought but fimple : confidering that this Naui- 
gation was written fo many yeres pari, in fo barbarous a 
tongue by one onely obfcure author, and yet we in thefe our 
dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be 
true. 

How much more then ought we to beleeue this paffage to 
Cataia to bee, being verified by the opinions of all the beft, 
both Antique, and Moderne Geographers, and plainely fet 
out in the beft and moft allowed Mappes, Charts, Globes, 
Cofmographical tables & difcourfes of this our age, and by 
the reft not denied but left as a matter doubtfull. 



CHAPTER II. 

To prooue by reafon a paffage to be on the Northjide of 
America, to goe to Cataia, &c. 

First, all feas are maintained by the abundance of water, fo 
that the neerer the end any Riuer, Bay or Hauen is, the fhal- 
lower it waxeth, although by fome accidentall barre, it is 
fometime found otherwife. But the farther you fayle Weft 
from Ifland towards the place, where this fret is thought to 
be, the more deepe are the feas : which giueth vs good hope 
of continuance of the fame Sea with Mar del Sur, by fome 
fret that lyeth betweene America, Groneland and Cataia. 

1. Alfo 



6o 



A Difcourfe by 



2. Alfo if that America were not an Ifland, but a part of 
y e continent adioyning to Alia, either the people which in- 
habite Mangia, Anian, & Quinfay, &c. being borderers 
vpon it, would before this time haue made fome road into 
it, hoping to haue found fome like comodities to their 
owne. 

3. Or els the Scythians and Tartarians (which oftentimes 
heretofore haue fought farre and neere for new feats, driuen 
therevnto through the neceffitie of their cold and miferable 
countreys) would in all this time haue found the way to 
America, and entred the fame, had the paffages bene neuer 
fo ftraite or difficult ; the countrey being fo temperate, pleaf- 
ant and fruitfull, in comparifon of their owne. But there 
was neuer any fuch people found there by any of the Span- 
iards, Portugals, or Frenchmen, who firft difcouered the In- 
land of that countrey : which Spaniards, or Frenchmen muft 
then of neceffitie haue feene fome one ciuil man in America, 
confidering how full of ciuill people Afia is : But they neuer 
faw fo much as one token or figne, that euer any man of the 
knowen part of the world had bene there. 

4. Furthermore it is to be thought, that if by reafon of 
mountaines, or other craggy places, the people neither of 
Cataia or Tartarie could enter the countrey of America, or 
they of America haue entred Afia, if it were fo ioyned : yet 
fome one fauage or wandring beaft would in fo many yeres 
haue palled into it : but there hath not any time bene found 
any of the beafts proper to Cataia, or Tartarie &c. in Amer- 
ica : nor of thofe proper to America, in Tartarie, Cataia, &c. 
or any part of Afia. Which thing proueth America, not 
onely to be one Ifland, and in no part adioyning to Afia : 

But 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 61 



But alfo that the people of thofe Countreys, haue not had 
any traffique with each other. 

5. Moreouer at the leaft fome one of thofe paineful 
trauellers, which of purpofe haue paffed the confines of 
both countreys, with intent only to difcouer, would as it is 
moft likely haue gone from the one to the other : if there 
had bene any piece of land, or Ifthmos, to haue ioyned them 
together, or els haue declared fome caufe to the contrary. 

6. But neither Paulus Venetus, who liued and dwelt a 
long time in Cataia, euer came into America, and yet was 
at the fea coaftes of Mangia, ouer againft it where he was 
embarked, and perfourmed a great Nauigation along thofe 
feas: Neither yet Verarzanus, or Francifcus Vafques de 
Coronado, who trauelled the North part of America by land, 
euer found entry from thence by land to Cataia, or any 
part of Afia. 

7. Alfo it appeareth to be an Ifland, infomuch as the 
Sea runneth by nature circularly from the Eaft to the Weft, 
following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile, which 
carieth with it all inferiour bodies moueable, afwel celeftiall 
as elemental: which motion of the waters is moft euidently 
feene in the Sea, which lieth on the Southfide of Afrike 
where the current that runneth from the Eaft to the Weft 
is fo ftrong, by reafon of fuch motio, that the Portugals in 
their voyages Eaftward to Calicut, in paffmg by Cap. de 
buona Speranca 1 are inforced to make diuers courfes, the 
current there being fo fwift as it ftriketh from thence all 
along Weflward vpon the fret of Magellan, being diftant 

from 

1 The Cape of Good Hope was firft name mould dif courage mariners, Henry- 
called El Cabo Tormentofo by its dif- of Portugal changed it to Cabo de Bono 
coverer Bartolomeo Diaz : then, left the Efperanca: Anglice, Cape of Good Hope. 



62 



A Difcourfe by 



from thence, neere the fourth part of the longitude of the 
earth ; and not hauing free paffage and entrance thorow 
the fret towards the Weft, by reafon of the narrowneffe of 
the fayd Straite of Magellan, it runneth to falue this wrong, 
Nature not yielding to accidentall reftraints, all along the 
Eafterne coaftes of America, Northwards fo far as Cape 
Fredo, being the fartheft knowne place of the fame conti- 
nent towards the North : which is about 4800 leagues, 
reckoning therewithal!, the trending of the land. 

8. So that this current being continually maintained 
with fuch force, as Iaques Cartier affirmeth it to be, who 
met with the fame being at Baccalaos, as he fay led along 
the coaftes of America, then either it muft of neceffitie haue 
way to pafs from Cape Fredo, thorow this fret, We ft ward 
towards Cataia, being knowen to come fo farre, onely to 
falue his former wrongs, by the authority before named : or 
els it muft needes ftrike ouer, vpon the coaft of Ifland, Nor- 
way, Finmarke, and Lappia, which are Eaft from the fayd 
place about 360 leagues, with greater force then it did from 
Cape de buona Speranca, vpon the fret of Magellan, or 
from the fret of Magellan to Cape Fredo, vpon which 
coaftes Iaques Cartier met with the fame, confidering the 
fhortneffe of the Cut from the fayd Cape Fredo, to Ifland, 
Lappia, &c. And fo the caufe Efficient remaining, it would 
haue continually followed along our coafts, through the 
narrow feas, which it doth not, but is difgefted about the 
North of Labrador, by fome through paffage there thorow 
this fret. 

The like courfe of the water in fome refpect happeneth 
in the Mediterrane fea, as affirmeth Couterenus, whereas 

the 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 63 



the current which cometh from Tanais, & Pontus Euxinus, 
running along all the coafts of Greece, Italy, France, and 
Spaine, and not finding fufHcient way out through Gibraltar, 
by meanes of the ftraitneffe of the fret it runneth backe 
againe along the coaftes of Barbary, by Alexandria, Na- 
tolia, &c. 

It may, peraduenture, bee thought that this courfe of the 
fea doth fometime furceafe, and thereby impugne this prin- 
ciple, becaufe it is not difcerned all along the coafh of 
America, in fuch fort as Iaques Cartier found it : Where- 
vnto I anfwere this : that albeit, in euery part of the Coafl 
of America, or elf where this current is not fenfibly per- 
ceiued, yet it hath euermore fuch like motion, either in the 
vppermoft- or nethermorl part of the fea; as it may be 
proued true, if ye finke a fayle by a couple of ropes, neere 
the ground, fattening to the nethermoft corners two gunne 
chambers or other weights: by the driuing whereof you 
mail plainely perceiue, the courfe of the water, and current 
running with fuch courfe in the bottome. 

An obiection anfwered. The fea doth euermore performe 
this circular motion, either in Suprema, or concaua fuper- 
flcie aquas. 

By the like experiment, you may finde the ordinary motion 
of the fea, in the Ocean : howe farre foeuer you be off the 
land. 

9. Alfo there commeth another current from out the 
Northeafl from the Scythian Sea, as M. Ienkinfon a man 
of rare vertue, great trauaile and experience, told me, which 
runneth Weftward towardes Labrador, as the other did, 
which commeth from the South ; fo that both thefe currents, 

muft 



64 



A Difcourfe by 



muft haue way thorow this our fret, or elfe encounter 
together and runne contrarie courfes, in one line, but no 
fuch conflicts of ftreames, or contrary courfes are found 
about any part of Labrador, or Terra noua, as witneffe our 
yeerely fifhers, and other faylers that way, but is there dif- 
gefted, as aforefayd, and found by experience of Barnard 
de la Torre, to fall into Mar del Sur. 

10. Furthermore, the current in the great Ocean, could 
not haue beene maintained to runne continually one way, 
from the beginning of the world vnto this day, had there 
not beene fome thorow paffage by the fret aforefayd, and 
fo by circular motion bee brought againe to maintaine it 
felfe : For the Tides and courfes of the fea are maintayned 
by their interchangeable motions : as frefh riuers are 
by fprings, by ebbing and flowing, by rarefaction and 
condenfation. 

So that it refteth not poffible, fo farre as my fimple 
reafon can comprehend, that this perpetuall current can 
by any meanes be maintained, but onely by continuall reac- 
celfe of the fame water, which paffeth thorow the fret, and 
is brought about thither againe, by fuch circular motion as 
aforefayd. And the certaine falling thereof by this fret 
into Mar del Sur is prooued by the teftimonie and experi- 
ence, of Bernard de la Torre, who was fent from P. de la 
Natinidad to the Moluccas, Anno domini 1542. by com- 
mandement of Anthony Mendoza, then Viceroy of Noua 
Hifpania, which Bernard fayled 750. Leagues, on the North- 
fide of the ^Equator, and there met with a current, which 
came from the Northeaft, the which droue him backe 
againe to Tidore. 1 



1 In the Moluccas. 



Wherfore 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 65 



Wherfore this current being proued to come from C. 
de buona Speranca to the fret of Magellan, and wanting 
fufficient entrance there, by narrownes of the ftraite, is by 
the neceffitie of natures force, brought to Terra de Lab- 
rador, where Iaques Cartier met the fame, and thence 
certainly knowen, not to fbike ouer vpon Ifland, Lappia, 
&c. and found by Bernard de la Torre in Mar del Sur, on 
the backefide of America: therefore this current, hauing 
none other paffage, muft of neceffity, fall out thorow this 
our fret into Mar del Sur, and fo trending by the Moluccae, 
China, and C. de buona Speranca, maintaineth it felfe by 
circular motion, which is all one in nature, with Motus ab 
Oriente in Occidentem. 

So that it feemeth, we haue now more occafion to doubt 
of our returne, then whether there be a paffage that way, 
yea or no : which doubt, hereafter mall be fufficiently 
remooued. Wherefore, in mine opinion, reafon it felf, 
grounded vpon experience, affureth vs of this paffage, if 
there were nothing els to put vs in hope thereof. But leafl 
thefe might not fufflce, I haue added in this chapter follow- 
ing, fome further proofe hereof, by the experience of fuch 
as haue paffed fome part of this difcouerie : and in the next 
adioining to that the authority of thofe, which haue failed 
wholy, thorow euery part thereof. 



9 



Chapter III. 



66 



A Difcourfe by 



CHAPTER III. 

To proue by experience of fundry mens trauels, the opening 
of fome part of this Northwefi pajfage : wherby good 
hope remaineth of the refl, 

Paulus Venetus, who dwelt many yeres in Cataia, affirmed 
that hee fayled 1500 miles vpon the coaftes of Mangia, 
and Anian, towards the Northeaft : alwayes rinding the Seas 
open before him, not onely as farre as he went, but alfo as 
farre as he could difcerne. 

2. Alfo Francifcus Vaques de Coronado paffing from 
Mexico by Ceuola, through the country of Quiuira, to Siera 
Neuada, found there a great fea, where were certaine mips 
laden with Merchandife, carrying on their prowes the pic- 
tures of certaine birds called Alcatrarzi, part whereof were 
made of golde, and part of filuer, who fignified by fignes, 
that they were thirty days comming thither : which likewife 
proueth America by experience to bedifioyned from Cataia: 
on that part by a great Sea, becaufe they could not come 
from any part of America, as Natiues thereof: for that, fo 
farre as is difcouered, there hath not bene found there any 
one Shippe of that countrey. 

3. In like maner, John Baros teftifieth that the Cofmog- 
raphers of China, where he himfelfe had bene, affirme that 
the Sea coaft trendeth from thence Northeaft, to 50 degrees 
of Septentrional latitude, being the furtheft part that way 
which the Portugals had then knowledge of: And that the 

faid 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 67 



faid Cofmographers knew no caufe to the contrary, but that 
it might continue further. 

By whofe experiences America is prooued to be feparate 
from thofe parts of Afia, directly againft the fame. And 
not contented with the iudgements of thefe learned men 
only, I haue fearched what might be further fayd for the 
confirmation hereof. 

4. And I found that Francifcus Lopez de Gomara affirmeth 
America to be an Ifland, and likewife Gronland : and that 
Gronland is diftant from Lappia 40 leagues, and from Terra 
de Labrador, 50. 

5. Moreouer, Aluarus Nunnius a Spaniard, and learned 
Cofmographer, and Iacobus Cartier, who made two voyages 
into thofe parts, and fayled 900 miles vpon the Northeaft 
coaftes of America doe in part conflrme the fame. 

6. Likewife Hieronymus Fracaftorius, a learned Italian, 
and trauailer in the North parts of the fame land. 

7. Alfo Iaques Cartier hauing done the like, heard fay 
at Hochelaga in Noua Francia, how that there was a great 
Sea at Saguinay, whereof the end was not knowen : which 
they prefuppofed to be the paffage to Cataia. 

Furthermore, Sebaftian Cabota by his perfonal experience 
and trauel hath fet foorth, and defcribed this paffage in his 
Charts, which are yet to be feene in the Queens Maiefties 
priuie Gallerie at Whitehall, who was fent to make this 
difcouery by King Henrie the feuenth, and entred the fame 
fret : affirming that he fayled very farre Weftward, with a 
quarter of the North, on the Northfide of Terra de Labrador 
the eleuenth of Iune, vntill he came to the Septentrionall 
latitude of 67 degrees and a halfe, and finding the Seas 

ftill 



68 



A Difcourfe by 



flill open, fayd, that he might, & would haue gone to 
Cataia, if the mutinie of the Matter and Mariners had not 
bene. 

Now as thefe mens experience hath proued fome part 
of this paffage : fo the chapter following llial put you in 
full affurance of the reft, by their experiences which haue 
paffed through euery part thereof. . 



CHAPTER IV. 

To prooue by circumftance that the Northweji paffage hath 
bene fay led throughout. 

The diuerfitie betwene bruite beaftes and men, or betweene 
the wife and the fimple is, that the one iudgeth by fenfe 
onely, and gathereth no furety of any thing that he hath 
not feene, felt, heard, tafted or fmelled : And the other not 
fo onely, but alfo findeth the certaintie of things by reafon, 
before they happen to be tryed. Wherefore I haue added 
proofes of both forts, that the one and the other might 
thereby be fatisfied. 

1. Firft, as Gemma Frifius reciteth, there went from 
Europe three brethren through this paffage: whereof it 
tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum. 

2. Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos, who 
wrote 57 yeeres before Chrift, that there were certaine 
Indians driuen by tempeft, vpon the coaft of Germanie 
which were prefented by the king of Sueuia, vnto Quintus 
Metellus Celer, the Proconfull of France. 

3. And 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 69 



3. And Plinie vpon the fame fayth, that it is no maruell 
though there be Sea by the North, where there is fuch 
abundance of moifture : which argueth that hee doubted 
not of a nauigable paffage that way, through which thofe 
Indians came. 1 

4. And for the better proofe that the fame authoritie of 
Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrefled, to proue my opinion 
of the North weft paffage: you fhall finde the fame affirmed 
more plainly in that behalfe, by the excellent Geographer 
Dominicus Marius Niger, who fheweth how many wayes 
the Indian fea ftretcheth it felfe, making in that place recital 
of certaine Indians, that were likewife driuen through the 
North Seas from India, vpon the coaftes of Germany by 
great tempefl, as they were fayling intrade of marchandize. 

5. Alfo while Frederic Barbaroffa reigned Emperour, 
Anno Do. 1160, there came certaine other Indians vpon 
the coaft of Germanie. 

6. Likewife Othon in the ftorie of the Gothes affirmeth, 
that in the time of the Germane Emperours there were alfo 
certaine Indians cafl by force of weather, vpon the coafl of 
the fayde countrey, which forefaid Indians could not poffibly 
haue come by the Southeaft, Southwefl, nor from any part of 
Afrike or America, nor yet by the Northeaft : therefore they 
came of neceffitie by this our Northwefl paffage. 

1 Vide Lib. II. Chapter 66. 



Chapter V. 



yo A Difcourfe by 



CHAPTER V. 

To prooue that thefe Indians aforenamed came not by the 
Southeaft, Southweft, nor from any other part of Afrike, 
or America. 

First, they could not come from the Southeaft by the Cape 
de bona Speranca, becaufe the roughnes of the Seas there is 
fuch, occafioned by the currents and great winds in that part, 
that the greateft armadas the king of Portugal hath, cannot 
without great difficulty paffe that way, much leffe then a 
Canoa of India could liue in thofe outragious feas without 
fhipwracke being a veffel of very fmall burden, and haue 
conducted themfelues to the place aforefayd, being men 
vnexpert in the Arte of nauigation. 

2. Alfo, it appeareth plainely that they were not able to 
come from alongft the coaft of Afrike aforefayd, to thofe 
parts of Europe, becaufe the winds doe, for the moft part, 
blow there Eafterly off from the more, and the current run- 
ning that way in like fort, mould haue driuen them Weftward 
vpon fome part of America : for fuch winds and tides could 
neuer haue led them from thece to the faid place where they 
were found, nor yet could they haue come from any of the 
countries aforefayd, keeping the feas alwayes, without fkilful 
mariners to haue conducted them fuch like courfes as were 
neceffary to performe fuch a voiage. 

3. Prefuppofmg alfo, if they had bene driuen to the Weft 
as they muft haue bene comming that way then they fhould 
haue perifhed, wanting fupplie of victuals, not hauing any 

place 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 71 



place, once leauing the coaft of Afrike, vntill they came to 
America, nor from America vntill they arriued vpon fome 
part of Europe, or the Iflands adioyning to it, to haue 
refrefhed themfelues. 

4. Alfo, if notwithstanding fuch impoffibilities they 
might haue recouered Germanie by comming from India 
by the Southeaft, yet muft they without all doubt haue 
ftrickn vpon fome other part of Europe before their arriuall 
there, as the Ifles of the Acores, Portugal, Spaine, France, 
England, Ireland, &c. which if they had done, it is not credi- 
ble that they mould or would haue departed vndifcovered of 
the inhabitants : but there was neuer found in thofe dayes 
any fuch fhip or men but only vpon the coafts of Germanie, 
where they haue bene fundry times and in fundry ages caft 
aland : neither is it like that they would haue committed 
themfelues againe to fea, if they had fo arriued, not knowing 
where they were, nor whither to haue gone. 

5. And by the Southwell it is vnpoffible, becaufe the 
current aforefayd which cometh from the Eaft, ftriketh with 
fuch force vpon the fret of Magellan, and falleth with fuch 
fwiftneffe and furie into Mar del Zur, that hardly any fhip, 
but not polfibly a Canoa, with fuch vnfkilfull mariners, can 
come into our Wefterne Ocean through that fret from the 
Weft feas of America, as Magellans experience hath partly 
taught vs. 1 

6. And further, to prooue that thefe people fo arriuing 
vpon the coaft of Germany, were Indians, & not inhabiters 
of any part either of Africa or America, it is manifeft, be- 
caufe 



1 When Magellan firft paffed through 
the ftormy ftraits, now bearing his name, 
into the great Southern Ocean, or Mar 



del Sur, he was fo pleafed with the 
quiet water that he gave it the name of 
Oceanus Pacificus; hence Pacific Ocean. 



72 A Difcourfe by 



caufe the natiues both of Africa and America neither had, or 
haue at this day, as is reported, other kind of boates then 
fuch as do beare neither maftes nor failes, except onely vpon 
the coafls of Barbarie and the Turkes {hips, but do carie 
themfelues from place to place neere the more by the ore 
onely. 

CHAPTER VI. 

To prooue that thofe Indians came not by the Northeafl, and 
that there is no thorow nauigable paffage that way. 

It is likely that there fliould be no thorow paffage by the 
Northeaft, whereby to goe round about the world, becaufe all 
Seas as aforefayd are maintained by the abundance of water, 
waxing more fhallow and fhelffie towards the ende, as we find 
it doeth by experience in Mare Glaciale, 1 towards the Eaft, 
which breedeth fmall hope of any great continuance of that 
fea, to be nauigable towards the Eaft, fufficient to faile thereby 
round about the world. 

2. Alfo, it ftandeth fcarcely with reafon, that the Indians, 
dwelling vnder Torrida Zona, could endure the iniurie of the 
cold ayre, about the Septentrional lattitude of 80. degrees, 
vnder which eleuation the pafTage by the Northeafl cannot 
bee, as the often experience had of all the South parts of it 
fheweth, feeing that fome of the inhabitants of this cold 
climate, whofe Summer is to them an extreme Winter, haue 
bene ftroken to death with the cold damps of the aire about 
72 degrees, by an accidental mifhap, and yet the aire in fuch 

like 

1 Mare glaciate is that part of the Arctic Ocean lying north of Europe and Afia. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 73 



like Eleuation is alwaies cold, and too cold for fuch as the 
Indians are. 

3. Furthermore, the piercing cold of the groffe thicke aire 
fo neere the Pole wil fo ftiffen and furre the failes and {hip 
tackling, that no mariner can either hoife or ftrike them, as 
our experience farre neerer the South, then this pafTage is 
prefuppofed to be, hath taught vs, without the vfe whereof 
no voiage can be performed. 

4. Alfo, the aire is fo darkened with continuall mifts and 
fogs fo neere the Pole, that no man can well fee, either to 
guide his fhip, or direct his courfe. 

5. Alfo the compafle at fuch eleuation doth very fud- 
denly vary, which things mud of force haue bene their 
deftructions, although they had bene men of much more 
fkill then the Indians are. 

6. Moreouer, all baies, gulfes, and riuers doe receiue their 
increafe vpon the flood, fenfibly to be difcerned on the one 
fide of the more or the other, as many waies as they be 
open to any main fea, as Mare Mediterraneum, Mare 
Rubrum, Sinus Perficus, Sinus Bodicus, Thamefis, and all 
other knowen hauens or riuers in any part of the world, and 
each of them opening but on one part to the maine fea, 
doe likewife receiue their increafe vpon the flood the fame 
way, and none other, which Mare Glaciale doeth, onely by 
the Weft ; as M. Ienkinfon affirmed vnto me ; and therfore 
it followeth that this Northeaft fea, receiuing increafe but 
onely from the Weft, cannot poffibly open to the maine 
Ocean by the Eaft. 

7. Moreouer, the farther you palTe into any fea towards 
the end of it, on that part which is fhut vp from the maine 

10 fea 



74 



A Difcourfe by 



fea, as in all thofe aboue mentioned, the leffe and leffe the 
tides rife and fall. The like whereof alfo happeneth in 
Mare Glaciale, which proueth but fmall continuance of that 
Sea toward the Eaft. 

8. Alfo, the further yee goe toward the Eaft in Mare 
Glaciale, the leffe fait the water is : which could not happen, 
if it were open to the fait Sea towards the Eaft, as it is to 
the Weft only, feeing Euerything naturally ingendreth his 
like : and then muft it be like fait throughout, as all the 
feas are, in fuch like climate and eleuation. 

And therefore it feemeth that this Northeaft fea is main- 
tained by the riuer Ob, and fuch like freffhets, as Mare 
Goticum, and Mare Mediterraneum, in the vppermoft parts 
thereof by the riuers Nilus, Danubius, Neper, Tanais, &c. 

9. Furthermore, if there were any fuch fea at that eleua- 
tion, of like it fhould be alwaies frozen throughout, there 
being no tides to hinder it, becaufe the extreme coldnes of 
the aire being in the vppermoft part, and the extreme cold- 
neffe of the earth in the bottome, the fea there being but of 
fmall depth, whereby the one accidentall coldneffe doth meet 
with the other, and the Sunne not hauing his reflection fo 
neere the Pole, but at very blunt angels, it can neuer be 
diffolued after it is frozen, notwithftanding the great length 
of their day : for that the funne hath no heate at all in his 
light or beames, but proceeding onely by an accidentall 
reflection, which there wanteth in effect. 

10. And yet if the Sunne were of fufficient force in that 
eleuation, to preuaile againft this ice, yet muft it be broken 
before it can be diffolued, which cannot be but through the 
long continuance of the funne aboue their Horizon, and by 

that 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 75 



that time the Sommer would be fo farre fpent, and fo 
great darkenes and cold enfue, that no man could be able 
to endure fo cold, darke, and difcomfortable a nauigation, 
if it were poffible for him then, and there to Hue. 

11. Further, the ice being once broken, it muft of force 
fo driue with the windes and tides, that no fhip can faile in 
thofe feas, feeing our Fifhers of Ifland, and the New found 
land, are fubiecl to danger through the great Iflands of Ice 
which fleete in the Seas to the failers great danger farre 
to the South of that prefuppofed paffage. 

12. And it cannot be that this Northeaft paffage fhould 
be any neerer the South, then before recited, for then it 
fhould cut off Ciremiffi, & Turbi Tartari with Vzefucani, 
Chifani, and others from the Continent of Afia, which are 
knowen to be adioyning to Scythia, Tartaria, &c. with the 
other part of the fame Continent. 

And if there were any thorowe paffage by the Northeaft, 
yet were it to fmall ende and purpofe for our traffique, 
becaufe no fhippe of great burden can Nauigate in fo 
fhallow a fea; and mips of fmall burden are very vnflt & 
vnprofitable, efpecially towards the bluftering North to 
performe fuch a voyage. 



Chapter VII. 



j 6 A Difcourfe by 



CHAPTER VII. 

To prooue that the Indians aforenamed, came only by the 
Northweft, which induceth a certaintie of our pajfage by 
experience. 

It is as likely that they came by the Northweft, as it is 
vnlikely that they fhould come, either by the Southeaft, 
Southweft, Northeaft, or from any other part of Africa or 
America, and therefore this Northweft paffage hauing bene 
alreadie fo many wayes proued, by difproouing of the others, 
&c, I fhall the leffe neede in this place, to vfe many words 
otherwife then to conclude in this fort, That they came onely 
by the Northweft from England, hauing thefe many reafons 
to leade me thereunto. 

Firft, the one halfe of the windes of the compaffe might 
bring them by the Northweft, bearing always betweene two 
fheats, with which kind of fay ling the Indians are onely ac- 
quainted, not hauing any vfe of a bow line, or quarter winde, 
without the which no fhip can poffibly come either by the 
Southeaft, Southweft or Northeaft, hauing fo many fundry 
Capes to double, whereunto are required fuch change and 
fhift of windes. 

2. And it feemeth likely that they Ihould come by the 
Northweft, becaufe the coaft whereon they were driuen, lay 
Eaft from this our paffage, And all windes doe naturally 
driue a fhip to an oppofite point from whence it bloweth, 
not being otherwife guided by Arte, which the Indians do 

vtterly 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 77 



vtterly want, & therefore it feemeth that they came directly 
through this our fret, which they might doe with one wind. 

3. For if they had come by the Cape de buona Speranuca, 
then muft they, as aforefaid, haue fallen vpon the South 
parts of America. 

4. And if by the fret of Magellan, then vpon the coafts of 
Afrike, Spaine, Portugall, France, Ireland or England. 

5. And if by the Northeaft, then vpon the coafls of Cere- 
miffi, Tartarij, Lappia, Ifland, Terra de Labrador, &c. and 
vpon thefe coafts, as aforefaid, they haue neuer bene found. 

So that by all likelihood they could neuer haue come 
without fhipwracke vpon the coaftes of Germanie, if they 
had firft ftriken vpon the coaftes of fo many countries, want- 
ing both Arte and {hipping to make orderly difcouery, and 
altogether ignorant both in the Arte of Nauigation, and alfo 
of the Rockes, Flats, Sands or Hauens of thofe parts of the 
world, which in moft of thefe places are plentiful. 

6. And further it feemeth very likely, that the inhabitants 
of the moft part of thofe countries, by which they muft haue 
come any other way befides by the Northweft, being for the 
moft part Anthropophagi, or men eaters, would haue devoured 
them, flaine them, or, at the leaft wife, kept them as wonders 
for the gaze. 

So that it plainely appeareth that thofe Indians which 
as you haue heard in fundry ages were driuen by tempeft 
vpon the fhore of Germanie, came onely through our 
Northweft paffage. 

7. Moreouer, the paffage is certainely prooued by a Naui- 
gation that a Portugall made, who paffed through this fret, 
giving name to a Promontorie farre within the fame, calling 

it 



78 



A Difcourfe by 



it after his owne name, Promontorium Corterialis, neere 
adioyning vnto Polifacus fluuius. 

S. Alfo one Scolmus a Dane entred and paffed a great 
part thereof. 

9. Alfo there was one Saluaterra, a Gentleman of Victoria 
in Spaine, that came by chance out of the Weft Indias into 
Ireland, Anno 1568, who affirmed the North weft pa flag e from 
vs to Cataia, conftantly to be beleeued in America nauigable. 
And further faid in the prefence of fir Henry Sidney, then 
lord Deputie of Ireland, in my hearing, that a Frier of Mex- 
ico, called Andrew Vrdaneta, more then eight yeeres before 
his then comming into Ireland, told him there, that he came 
from Mar del Sur into Germany through this North weft 
paffage, & (hewed Saluaterra, at that time being then with 
him in Mexico, a Sea Card made by his owne experience 
and trauell in that voyage, wherein was plainly fet downe 
and defcribed this North weft paffage, agreeing in all points 
with Ortelius mappe. And further, this Frier tolde the king 
of Portugall, as he returned by that countrey homeward, 
that there was of certainty fuch a paffage North weft from 
England, and that he meant to publifh the fame : which 
done, the king moft eameftly defired him not in any wife to 
difclofe or make the paffage knowen to any nation : For that, 
faid the king, if England had knowledge and experience 
thereof, it would greatly hinder both the king of Spaine and 
me, This Frier, as Saluaterra reported, was the greateft D:f- 
couerer by fea, that hath bene in our age. Alfo Saluaterra 
being perfwaded of this paffage by the frier Vrdaneta, and by 
the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America, 
offred moft willingly to accompanie me in this Difcouery, 

which 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 79 



which of like he would not haue done if he had flood in 
doubt thereof. 

And now as thefe moderne experiences cannot be im- 
pugned, fo leaft it might be obiected that thefe things, 
gathered out of ancient writers, which wrote fo many 
yeeres paft, might ferue litle to prooue this palfage by the 
North of America, becaufe both America and India were to 
them then vtterly vnknowen : to remooue this doubt, let 
this fufflfe : That Ariftotle, who was 300 yeeres before Chrift, 
named Mare Indicum. Alfo Berofus, who liued 330 yeres 
before Chrift, hath thefe words, Ganges in India. Alfo in the 
firft chapter of Hefter be thefe wordes, In the dayes of Affu- 
erus which ruled from India to ^Ethiopia, which Affuerus 
liued 5S0 yeeres before Chrift. Alfo Quintus Curtius, where 
he fpeaketh of the conquefts of Alexander, mentioneth India. 
Alfo Arianus, Philoftratus, and Sidrach in his difcourfes of 
the warres of the king of Baclria, and of Garaab, who had 
the moft part of India vnder his gouernment. All which 
afTureth vs, that both India and Indians were knowen in 
thofe dayes. 

Thefe things confidered, we may, in my opinion, not 
only affure our felues of this paffage by the North weft, but 
alfo that it is nauigable both to come and go, as hath bene 
prooued in part and in all, by the experience of diuers, as 
Sebaftian Cabota, Corterialis, the three brethren aboue 
named, the Indians, and Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico, &c. 

And yet notwithftanding all this, there be fome that haue 
a better hope of this paffage to Cataia by the Northeaft 
then by the Weft, whofe reafons with my feuerall anfvveres 
enfue in the chapter following. 

Chapter VIII. 



8o 



A Difcourfe by 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Certaine reafons alleaged for the proouing of a paffage by the 
Northeafl, before the Queenes Maieftie, and certaine Lords 
of the Counfell y by Mafler Anthonie lenkinfon, with my 
feuerall anfweres then vfed to the fame. 

Because you may vnderftand as well thofe things alleaged 
againft me, as what doth ferue for my purpofe, I haue here 
added the reafons of Mafler Anthony Ienkinfon a worthy 
gentleman, and a great traueller, who conceiued a better 
hope of the paffage to Cataia from vs, to be by the North- 
eafl;, then by the North weft. 

He firft faid that he thought not to the contrary, but that 
there was a paffage by the Northweft according to mine 
opinion : but affured he was, that there might be found a 
nauigable paffage by the Northeaft from England, to goe 
to all the Eaft parts of the world, which he endeuoured to 
prooue three wayes. The firft was that he heard a Fifher- 
man of Tartaria fay in hunting the Morce, that he fayled 
very farre towards the Southeaft, finding no end of the 
Sea: whereby he hoped a thorow paffage to be that 
way. 

Whereunto I anfwered, that the Tartarians were a bar- 
barous people, and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of Nauiga- 
tion, not knowing the vfe of the Sea Card, Compaffe or 
Starre, which he confeffed to be true: and therfore they 
could not, faid I, certainly know the Southeaft from the 

Northeaft, 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



81 



Northeaft, in a wide fea, and a place vnknowen from the 
fight of the land. 

Or if he failed any thing neere the fhore, yet he, being 
ignorant, might be deceiued by the doubling of many 
points and Capes, and by the trending of the land, albeit 
he kept continually alongft the fhore. 

And further, it might be that the poore Fifherman through 
fimplicitie thought that there was nothing that way but fea, 
becaufe he faw no land : which proofe, vnder correction 
giueth fmall affurance of a Nauigable fea by the Northeaft, 
to goe round about the world. For that he iudged by the 
eye onely, feeing we in this our cleare aire doe account 
twentie miles a ken at Sea. 

His fecond reafon is, that there was an Vnicornes home 
found vpon the coaft of Tartaria, which could not come, 
faid he, thither by any other meanes then with the tides, 
through fome fret in the Northeaft of Mare Glaciale, there 
being no Vnicorne in any part of Afia, fauing in India and 
Cataia: which reafon, in my fimple iudgement, forceth as 
litle. 

Firft, it is doubtfulle whether thofe barbarous Tartarians 
do know an Vnicornes home, yea, or no: and if it were one, 
yet it is not credible that the Sea could haue driuen it fo 
farre, being of fuch nature that it will not fwimme. 

Alfo the tides running too and fro, would haue driuen it 
as farre backe with the ebbe, as it brought it forward with 
the flood. 

There is alfo a beaft called Afinus Indicus, whofe home 
moft like it was, which hath but one home like an Vnicorne 
in his forehead, whereof there is great plenty in all the 

ii North 



82 



A Difcourfe by 



North parts thervnto adioyning, as in Lappia, Norvegia, 
Finmarke, &c. as Iacobus Zieglerus writeth in his hiftorie 
of Scondia. 

And as Albertus faieth, there is a fifh which hath but one 
home in his forehead like to an Vnicorne, and therefore it 
feemeth very doubtfull both from whence it came, and 
whether it were an Vnicornes home, yea, or no. 

His third and laft reafon was, that there came a continuall 
ftreame or currant through Mare Glaciale, of fuch fwiftneffe, 
as a Colmax told him, that if you cart any thing therein, it 
would prefently be carried out of fight towards the Weft. 

Whereunto I anfwered, that there doth the like from 
Maeotis Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Sinus Bofphorus, and 
along the coaft of Graecia, &c. As it is affirmed by Cou- 
tarenus, and diuers others that haue had experience of 
the fame: and yet that Sea lieth not open to any maine 
Sea that way, but is maintained by frefhets as by Tanais, 
Danubius, &c. 

In like maner is this current in Mare Glaciale increafed 
and maintained by the Dwina, the riuer Ob, &c. 

Now as I haue here briefly recited the reafons alleaged, 
to prooue a paffage to Cataia by the Northeaft, with my 
feuerall anfvveres thereunto : fo will I leaue it to your iudge- 
ment, to hope or difpaire of either at your pleafure. 



Chapter IX. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 83 



CHAPTER IX. 

How that the paffage by the Northweji is more commodious 
for our traffique, then the other by the Eaft, if there were 
any fuch. 

First, by the Northeaft if your windes doe not giue you a 
maruelous fpeedie & luckie paffage, you are in danger, be- 
ing fo neere the Pole, to be benighted almoffc the one halfe 
of the yeere, and what danger that were, to Hue fo long com- 
fortleffe, voide of light, if the cold killed you not, each man 
of reafon or vnderftanding may iudge. 

2. Alfo Mangia, Quinzai, and the Moluccae are neerer 
vnto vs by the Northweft, than by the Northeaft, more then 
two flue parts, which is almoft by the halfe. 

3. Alfo we may haue by the Weft a yeerely returne, it 
being at all times nauigable, whereas you haue but 4. 
moneths in the whole yeere to goe by the Northeaft : the 
paffage being of fuch eleuation as it is formerly exprefled, for 
it cannot be any neerer the South. 

4. Furthermore, it cannot be finifhed without diuers win- 
trings by the way, hauing no hauens in any temperate 
climate to harbour in there : for it is as much as we can 
well faile from hence to S. Nicholas, in the trade of Mof- 
couia, and returne in the nauigable feafon of the yeere, & from 
S. Nicholas to Ceremiffi Tartari, which ftande at 80 degrees 
of the Septentrional! latitude, it is at the leaft 400 leagues, 

which 



8 4 



A Difcourfe by 



which amounteth fcarce to the third part of the way, to the 
end of your voyage by the Northeaft. 

5. And yet after you haue doubled this Cape, if then 
there might be found a nauigable Sea to carie you Southeaft 
according to your defire, yet can you not winter conuen- 
iently, vntil you come to 60 degrees, and to take vp one 
degree running Southeaft, you muft faile 24 leagues and 
three foure parts, which amounteth to 495 leagues. 

6. Furthermore, you may by the Northweft faile thither 
with all Eafterly windes, and returne with any Wefterly 
windes, whereas you muft haue by the Northeaft fundry 
windes, and thofe proper, according to the lying of the coaft 
and Capes, you fhalbe inforced to double, which windes are 
not alwaies to be had, when they are looked for : whereby 
your iourney mould be greatly prolonged, and hardly en- 
dured fo neere the Pole. As we are taught by fir Hugh 
Willoughbie, 1 who was frozen to death farre neerer the 
South. 

7. Moreouer, it is very doubtfull, whether we mould long 
inioy that trade by the Northeaft, if there were any fuch 
paffage that way, the commodities thereof once knowen to 
the Mofcouite, what priuilege fo euer hee hath granted, fee- 
ing pollicy with the maffe of exceffiue gaine, to the inriching 
fo greatly of himfelfe and all his dominions would perfwade 
him to prefume the fame, hauing fo great opportunitie to 
vtter the commodities of thofe countries by the Narue. 

But by the Northweft, we may fafely trade without danger 

or 

1 Sir Hugh Willoughby and all his eral years later and appears in Hakluyt's 
crew were frozen in the winter of 1554- Principal Navigations, Vol. II. pp. 
55 at Arzina on the northern coaft of 232-237. 
Ruffia. His journal was recovered fev- 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



85 



or annoyance of any prince liuing, ChrifKan or Heathen, it 
being out of all their trades. 

8. Alfo the Queenes Maiefties dominions are neerer the 
Northweft paffage then any other great princes that might 
paffe that way, and both in their going and returne, they 
muft of neceffitie fuccour themfelues and their mips vpon 
fome part of the fame, if any tempeffcuous weather mould 
happen. 

Further, no princes nauie of the world is able to incounter 
the Queenes Maiefties nauie, as it is at this prefent : and yet 
it mould be greatly increafed by the traffike infuing vpon 
this difcouerie, for it is the long voyages that increafe and 
maintaine great fhipping. 

Now it feemeth neceffarie to declare what commodities 
would growe thereby, if all thefe things were, as we haue 
heretofore prefuppofed, and thought them to be : which 
next adioyning are briefly declared. 



CHAPTER X. 

What commodities would enfue, this paffage once difcouered. 

First, it were the onely way for our princes, to poffeffe the 
wealth of all the Eaft parts, as they terme them, of the world, 
which is infinite : as appeareth by the experience of Alexan- 
der the great, in the time of his conquefl; of India, and other 
the Eaft parts of the world, alleaged by Quintus Curtius, 
which would be a great aduancement to our countrey, a won- 

derfull 



86 



A Difcourfe by 



derfull inriching to our prince, and an vnfpeakable commo- 
ditie to all the inhabitants of Europe. 

2. For through the fhortneffe of the voyage, we fhould be 
able to fell all maner of merchandize, brought from thence, 
farre better cheape then either the Portugall or Spaniard 
doth or may do. And further, we fhould (hare with the 
Portugall in the Eaft, & the Spaniard in the Weft, by trad- 
ing to any part of America, thorow Mar del Sur, where they 
can no maner of way offend vs. 

3. Alfo we might fayle to diuers very rich countreys, both 
ciuill and others, out of both their iurifdiclions, trades and 
traffikes, where there is to be found great abundance of 
golde, filuer, precious ftones, cloth of gold, filkes, all maner 
of fpices, grocery wares, and other kinds of merchandize, of 
an ineftimable price, which both the Spaniard and Portu- 
gall, through the length of their iournies, cannot well attaine 
vnto. 

4. Alfo we might inhabite fome part of thofe countreyes, 
and fettle there fuch needy people of our countrey, which 
now trouble the common wealth, 1 and through want here at 
home are inforced to commit outragious offences, whereby 
they are dayly confumed with the gallowes. 

5. Moreouer, we might from all the aforefaid places haue 
a yeerely returne, inhabiting for our ftaple fome conuenient 
place of America, about Sierra Neuada, or fome other part, 
whereas it fhal feeme beft for the lhortning of the voyage. 

6. Befide vttering of our countrey commodities, which the 
Indians, &c. much efteeme: as appeareth in Hefter, where 

the 

1 This clafs of perfons in his Colony obftacle when Gylberte attempted to 
at St. Johns was a great annoyance and fet up a colonial commonwealth. 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 87 



the pompe is expreffed of the great king of India, Affuerus, 
who matched the coloured clothes, wherewith his houfes and 
tents were apparelled, with gold and filuer, as part of his 
greatefl treafure : not mentioning either veluets, hikes, cloth 
of gold, cloth of filuer, or fuch like, being in thofe countreyes 
moft plentifull : whereby it plainly appeareth in what great 
eftimation they would haue the clothes of this our countrey, 
fo that there would be found a farre better vent for them by 
this meanes, then yet this realme euer had ; and that without 
depending either vpon France, Spaine, Flanders, Portugall, 
Hamborow, Emden, or any other part of Europe. 

7. Alfo, here we mail increafe both our mips and mariners, 
without burthening of the ftate. 

8. And alfo haue occafion to fet poore mens children to 
learne handie craftes, and thereby to make trifles and fuch 
like, which the Indians and thofe people do much efteeme : 
by reafon whereof, there mould be none occafion to haue 
our countrey combred with loiterers, vagabonds, and fuch 
like idle perfons. 

All thefe commodities would grow by following this our 
difcouery, without iniury done to any Chriflian prince, by 
croffmg them in any of their vfed trades, whereby they 
might take any iuft caufe of offence. 

Thus haue I briefly fhewed you fome part of the grounds 
of mine opinion, trufting that you will no longer iudge me 
fantafticke in this matter : feeing I haue conceiued no vaine 
hope of this voyage, but am perfwaded thereunto by the 
beffc Cofmographers of our age, the fame being confirmed 
both by reafon and certaine experiences. 

Alfo this difcouery hath bene diuers times heretofore by 

others 



88 



A Difcottrfe by 



others both offered, attempted, and performed. It hath 
bene offered by Stephan Gomes vnto Carolus the fift Em- 
perour, in the yeere of our Lord God 1527, as Alphonfo 
Vllua teftifieth in the ftory of Carolus life: who would haue 
fet him forth in it. as the ftory mentioneth, if the great 
want of money, by reafon of his long warres, had not caufed 
him to furceafe the fame. 

And the king of Portugall fearing leaft the Emperour 
would haue perfeuered in this his enterprise, gaue him to 
leaue the matter vnattempted the fumme of 350000 crownes ; 
and it is to be thought that the king of Portugall would 
not haue giuen to the Emperour fuch fummes of money for 
egges in moonefhine. 

It hath bene attempted by Sebaftian Cabota in the time 
of King Henry the feuenth, by Corterialis the Portugall, 
and Scolmus the Dane. 

And it hath bene performed by three brethren, the Indians 
aforefaid, and by Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico. 

Alfo, diuers haue offered the like vnto the French king, 
who hath lent two or three times to haue difcouered the fame : 
The difcouerers fpending and confuming their victuals in 
fearching the gulfes and bayes between Florida and Terra 
de Labrador, whereby the yce is broken to the after 
commers. 

So that the right way mav now eafilv be found out in 
Inort time 3 and that with li tie ieopardie and leffe expences. 

For America is difcouered fo farre towardes the North as 
Cape Frio, which is at 62 degrees, and that part of Grond- 
land next adioyning is knowen to ftand but at 72 degrees, 
So that wee haue but 10 degrees to faile North & South, to 

put 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 89 



put the world out of doubt hereof : and it is likely that the 
king of Portugall would not haue fit out all this while, but 
that they are fure to poffeffe to themfelues all that trade 
they now vfe, and feare to deale in this difcouery, leaft the 
Queenes Maieftie hauing fo good opportunitie, and rinding 
the commoditie which thereby might enfue to the common 
wealth, would cut them off, and enioy the whole traffique 
to herfelfe, and thereby the Spaniards and Portugals, 
with their great charges, mould beate the bufh, and other 
men catch the birds : which thing they forefeeing, haue 
commanded that no pilot of theirs vpon paine of death, 
mould feeke to difcouer to the Norihweft, or plat out in any 
Sea card any thorow paffage that way by the Northweft. 

Now, and if you will indifferently compare the hope that 
remaineth, to animate me to this enterprife, with thofe like- 
lihoods which Columbus alleaged before Ferdinando the 
king of Caftilia, to prooue that there were fuch Iflands in 
the Weft Ocean, as were after by him and others difcouered 
to the great commodity of Spaine, and all the world : you 
will thinke then this Northweft paffage to be moft worthy 
trauell therein. 

For Columbus had none of the Weft Iflands fet foorth 
vnto him, either in globe or card, neither yet once men- 
tioned of any writer, Plato excepted, and the commentaries 
vpon the fame, from 942 yeeres before Chrift, vntill that 
day. 

Moreouer, Columbus himfelfe had neither feene America 
nor any other of the Iflands about it, neither, vnderftood he 
of them by the report of any other that had feene them, but 
only comforted himfelfe with this hope, that the land had 

12 a 



9 o 



A Difcourfe by 



a beginning where the Sea had an ending : for as touching 
that which the Spaniards doe write of a Bifcaine, which 
mould haue taught him the way thither, it is thought to be 
imagined of them, to depriue Columbus of his honour, being 
none of their countrey man, but a ftranger borne. 

And if it were true of the Bifcaine, yet did he but roue at 
the matter, or, at the leaffc, gathered the knowledge of it, 
by conieftures onely. 

And albeit myfelfe haue not feene this paffage nor any 
part thereof, but am ignorant of it as touching experience, 
as Columbus was before his attempt made, yet haue I both 
the report, relation, and authoritie of diuers moft credible 
men, which haue both feene and paffed through fome and 
euery part of this difcouery, befides fundry reafons for my 
affurance thereof: all which Columbus wanted. 

Thefe things confidered, & indifferently weighed togither, 
with the wonderfull commodities which this difcouery may 
bring, efpecially to this realme of England : I muft needes 
conclude with learned Baptifta Ramufius, and diuers other 
learned men, who faid, that this difcouery hath bene re- 
ferued for fome noble prince or worthie man, thereby to 
make himfelfe rich, and the world happie : defiring you to 
accept in good part this brief and fimple difcourfe, written 
in hafte, which if I may perceiue that it mail not fufficiently 
fatisfie you in this behalf e, I will then impart vnto you a 
large difcourfe, which I haue written onely of this difcouery. 

And further, becaufe it fufficeth not only to know that 
fuch a thing there is, without abilitie to performe the fame, 
I wil at leafure make you partaker of another fimple dif- 
courfe of nauigation, wherein I haue not a litle trauelled, 

to 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 91 



to make my felfe as fufficient to bring thefe things to effect, 
as I haue bene readie to offer my felfe therein. 

And therein I haue deuifed to amend the errors of vfuall 
fea cards, whofe common fault is to make the degrees of lon- 
gitude in euery latitude of one like bigneffe. 

And haue alfo deuifed therein a Spherical inftrument, 
with a compaffe of variation for the perfect knowing of the 
longitude. 

And a precife order to pricke the fea card, together with 
certaine infallible rules for the fhortning of any difcouery, to 
know at the firft entring of any fret whether it lie open to 
the Ocean more wayes then one, how farre foeuer the fea 
ftretcheth itfelf into the land. 

Defiring you hereafter neuer to miflike with me, for the 
taking in hande of any laudable and honeft enterprife : for 
if through pleafure or idleneffe we purchafe fhame, the 
pleafure vanifheth, but the fhame remaineth for euer. 

And therefore to giue me leaue without offence, alwayes 
to Hue and die in this mind. That he is not worthy to Hue at 
all, that for feare, or danger of death, fhunneth his countreys 
feruice, and his owne honour : feeing death is ineuitable, and 
the fame of vertue immortall. Wherefore in this behalfe, 
Mutare vel timer e fperno. 



LETTERS PATENT 

TO 

SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE, KNIGHT 




QrjBE^ Elizabeth 

Signs for 

Sir Eocpeiiey Gilbert 



The first patent granted hy an 
Enylisk Sevtreiyn to Hands irifhen 
The territory of the United Sinks 



LETTERS PATENT, 

GRANTED, ON JUNE II, I578, BY 

HER MAJESTY, QUEEN ELIZABETH, 

TO 

SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE, KNIGHT, 

FOR PLANTING A COLONY IN AMERICA. 

LIZABETH by the grace of God Queene of 
England, &c. To all people to whom thefe 
prefents mall come, greeting. Know ye that 
of our efpeciall grace, certaine fcience and 
meere motion, we haue giuen and granted, and 
by thefe prefents for vs, our heires and fucceffours, doe giue 
and graunt to our truftie and welbeloued feruaunt Sir Hum- 
frey Gilbert of Compton, in our Countie of Devonfhire 
Knight, and to his heires and affignes for euer, free libertie 
and licence from time to time, and at all times for euer here- 
after, to difcouer, finde, fearch out, and view fuch remote, 
heathen and barbarous lands, countreys and territories not 
actually poffeffed of any Chriftian prince or people, as to him, 
his heirs & affignes, and to euery or any of them, mail feeme 

good: 




96 



Letters Patent to 



good : and the fame to haue, hold, occupie and enioy to him, 
his heires and affignes for euer, with all commodities, iurif- 
diclions, and royalties both by fea and land : and the fayd fir 
Humfrey and all fuch as from time to time by licence of vs, 
our heires and fucceffours, (hall goe and trauell thither, to 
inhabite or remaine there, to build and fortifie at the difcre- 
tion of the fayde fir Humfrey, and of his heires and affignes, 
the ftatutes or acles of Parliament made againft Fugitiues, or 
againft fuch as fhall depart, remaine or continue out of our 
Realme of England without licence, or any other acte, ftatute, 
lawe or matter whatfoeuer to the contrary in any wife not- 
withftanding. And wee doe likewife by thefe prefents, for 
vs, our heires and fucceffours, giue full authoritie and power 
to the faide Sir Humfrey, his heires and affignes, and euery 
of them, that hee and they, and euery or any of them, fhall 
and may at all and euery time and times hereafter, haue, 
take, and lead in the fame voyages, to trauell thitherward, 
and to inhabite there with him, and euery or any of them, 
fuch and fo many of our fubiects as fhall willingly accom- 
pany him and them, and euery or any of them, with fufficient 
fhipping and furniture for their tranfportations, fo that none 
of the fame perfons, nor any of them be fuch as hereafter 
fhall be fpecially reftrained by vs, our heires and fucceffors. 
And further, that he the faid Humfrey, his heires and 
affignes, and euery or any of them fhall haue, hold, occupy 
& enioy to him, his heires or affignes, and euery of them for 
euer, all the foyle of all fuch lands, countries, & territories fo 
to be difcouered or polTeffed as aforefaid, and of all Cities, 
Caftles, Townes and Villages, and places in the fame, with 
the rites, royalties and iurifdiclions, as well marine as other, 

within 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 97 



within the fayd lands or countreys of the feas thereunto 
adioyning, to be had or vfed with ful power to difpofe thereof, 
& of euery part thereof in fee fimple or otherwife, according 
to the order of the laws of England, as nere as the fame con- 
ueniently may be, at his, and their will & pleafure, to any 
perfon then being, or that mail remaine within the allegiance 
of vs, our heires and fucceffours, paying vnto vs for all fer- 
uices, dueties and demaunds, the fift part of all the oare of 
gold and filuer, that from time to time, and at all times after 
fuch difcouerie, fubduing and poffeffing mall be there gotten : 
all which lands, countreys and territories, mail for euer bee 
holden by the fayd Sir Humfrey, his heires and affignes of 
vs, our heires and fucceffours by homage, and by the fayd 
payment of the fayd fift part before referued onely for all 
feruices. 

And moreouer, we doe by thefe prefents for vs, our heires 
and fucceffours, giue and graunt licence to the fayde Sir 
Humfrey Gilbert, his heires or affignes, and to euery of them, 
that hee and they, and euery or any of them mail, and may 
from time to time, and all times for euer hereafter, for his 
and their defence, encounter, expulfe, repell and refill, as 
well by Sea as by land, and by all other wayes whatfoeuer, 
all and euery fuch perfon and perfons whatfoeuer, as with- 
out the fpeciall licence and liking of the fayd Sir Humfrey, 
and of his heires and affignes, fhall attempt to inhabite 
within the fayd countreys, or any of them, or within the 
fpace of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places 
within fuch countreys as afore fayd, if they mail not bee 
before planted or inhabited within the limites aforefayd, 
with the subiects of any Chriftian prince, being in amitie 

13 with 



98 Letters Patent to 



with her Maiefty, where the faid fir Humfrey, his heires 
or affignes, or any of them, or his, or their, or any of their 
affociates or companies, mail within fixe yeeres next enfuing, 
make their dwellings and abidings, or that mail enterprife 
or attempt at any time hereafter vnlawfully to annoy either 
by Sea or land, the faid fir Humfrey, his heires or affignes, 
or any of them, or his, or their, or any of their companies : 
giuing and graunting by thefe prefents, further power and 
authoritie to the fayd fir Humfrey, his heires and affignes, 
and euery of them from time to time, and at all times for 
euer hereafter to take and furprife by all maner of meanes 
whatfoeuer, all and euery perfon and perfons, with their 
fhippes, veffels, and other goods and furniture, which with- 
out the licence of the fayd fir Humfrey, or his heires or 
affignes as aforefayd, fhall bee found traffiquing into any 
harborough or harboroughs, creeke or creekes within the 
limites aforefayde, the fubiecls of our Realmes and domin- 
ions, and all other perfons in amitie with vs, being driuen 
by force of tempefi; or fhipwracke onely excepted, and thofe 
perfons and euery of them with their fhips, veffels, goods, 
and furniture, to detaine and poffeffe, as of good and law- 
full prize, according to the difcretion of him the fayd fir 
Humfrey, his heires and affignes, and of euery or any of 
them. And for vniting in more perfecl league and amitie 
of fuch countreys, landes and territories fo to bee poffeffed 
and inhabited as aforefayde, with our Realmes of England 
and Ireland, and for the better encouragement of men to 
this enterprife: wee doe by thefe prefents graunt, and de- 
clare, that all fuch countreys fo hereafter to bee poffeffed 
and inhabited as aforefayd, from thencefoorth fhall bee of 

the 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



the allegiance of vs, our heires, and fucceffours. And wee 
doe graunt to the fayd fir Humfrey, his heires and affignes, 
and to all and euery of them, and to all and euery other 
perfon and perfons, being of our allegiance, whofe names 
mail be noted or entred in fome of our courts of Record, 
within this our Realme of England, and that with the affent 
of the faid fir Humfrey, his heires or affignes, mall nowe in 
this iourney for difcouerie, or in the fecond iourney for 
conqueft hereafter, trauel to fuch lands, countries and terri- 
tories as aforefaid, and to their and euery of their heires : 
that they and euery or any of them being either borne 
within our fayd Realmes of England or Ireland, or within 
any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter 
mail be inhabiting within any the lands, countreys and 
territories, with fuch licence as aforefayd, mail and may 
haue, and enioy all the priuileges of free denizens and 
perfons natiue of England, and within our allegiance : any 
law, cuftome, or vfage to the contrary notwithstanding. 

And forafmuch, as vpon the finding out, difcouering and 
inhabiting of fuch remote lands, countreys and territories, 
as aforefayd, it mail be neceffarie for the fafetie of all men 
that mail aduenture themfelues in thofe iourneys or voiages, 
to determine to Hue together in Chriftian peace and ciuill 
quietneffe each with other, whereby euery one may with 
more pleafure and profit, enioy that whereunto they mail 
attaine with great paine and perill: wee for vs, our heires 
and fucceffours are likewife pleafed and contented, and by 
thefe prefents doe giue and graunt to the fayd fir Humfrey 
and his heires and affignes for euer, that he and they, and 
euery or any of them, mall and may from time to time, for 

euer 



ioo Letters Patent to 

euer hereafter within the fayd mentioned remote lands and 
countreys, and in the way by the Seas thither, and from 
thence, haue full and meere power and authoritie to correct, 
punifh, pardon, gouerne and rule by their, and euery or any 
of their good difcretions and pollicies, as well in caufes 
capitall or criminall, as ciuill, both marine and other, all 
fuch our fubiecls and others, as mall from time to time 
hereafter aduenture themfelues in the fayd iourneys or 
voyages habitatiue or poffeffiue, or that mail at any time 
hereafter inhabite any fuch lands, countreys or territories 
as aforefayd, or that mall abide within two hundred leagues 
of any the fayd place or places, where the fayd fir Humfrey 
or his heires, or affignes, or any of them, or any of his, or 
their affociats or companies, mall inhabite within fixe yeeres 
next enfuing the date hereof, according to fuch ftatutes, 
lawes and ordinances, as fhall be by him the faid fir Hum- 
frey, his heires and affignes, or euery, or any of them, 
deuifed or eftablimed for the better gouernement of the 
faid people as aforefayd : fo alwayes that the fayd ftatutes, 
lawes and ordinances may be as neere as conueniently may, 
agreeable to the forme of the lawes & pollicy of England : 
and alfo, that they be not againft the true Chriftian faith or 
religion now profeffed in the Church of England, nor in 
any wife to withdraw any of the fubiefts or people of thofe 
lands or places from the allegiance of vs, our heires or fuc- 
ceffours, as their immediate Soueraignes vnder God. And 
further we doe by thefe prefents for vs, our heires and fuc- 
ceffours, giue and graunt full power and authority to our 
truftie and well-beloued counfeller, fir William Cecill Knight, 
lord Burleigh, our high treafurer of England, and to the 

lord 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



101 



lord treafurer of England of vs, for the time being, and to 
the priuie counfell of vs. our heires and fucceffours, or any 
foure of them for the time being, that he, they, or any foure 
of them, (hall, and may from time to time, and at all times 
hereafter, vnder his or their handes or ieales by vertue of 
thefe prefents, authorize and licence the fayd fir Humfrey 
Gilbert, his heires and affignes, and euery or any of them 
by him and themfelues. or by their or any of their fufficient 
attorneys, deputies, officers, minifters, factors and feruants, 
to imbarke and tranfport out of our Realmes of England 
and Ireland, all. or any of his or their goods, and all or any 
the goods of his or their aflbciates and companies, and euery 
or any of them, with fuch other neceiTaries and commodities 
of any our Realmes, as to the laid lord treafurer or foure of 
the priuie counfell of vs. our heires. or fucceffours for the 
time beino- as aforefavd, fhall be from time to time by his or 
their wifedoms or difcretions thought meete and conuenient 
for the better reliefe and fupportation of him the fayd fir 
Humfrey. his heires and affignes. and euery or any of them, 
and his and their, and euery or any of their laid aflbciates 
and companies, any act, ftatute, iawe, or other thing to the 
contrarv in any wife notwithitanding. 

Prouided alwayes, and our will and pleafure is, and wee doe 
hereby declare to all Chriftian Kings, princes and ftates, that 
if the faid fir Humfrev, his heires or affignes. or any of them, 
or any other by their licence or appointment, fhall at any 
time or times hereafter robbe or fpoile by Sea or by land, or 
doe any act of vniuft and vnlawfull hoftilitie to any of the 
Subiects of vs, our heires, or fucceffours. or any of the Sub- 
iects of any King, prince, ruler, gouernour or date being 

then 



102 



Letters Patent. 



then in perfect league and amitie with vs, our heires or fuc- 
ceffours : and that vpon fuch iniurie, or vpon iuft complaint 
of any fuch prince, ruler, gouernour or ftate, or their fubiects, 
wee, our heires or fucceffors mail make open proclamation 
within any the portes of our Realme of England commodi- 
ous, that the faid Sir Humfrey, his heires or affignes, or any 
other to whom thefe our Letters patents may extend, mall 
within the terme to be limited by fuch proclamations, make 
full reftitution and fatisfaction of all fuch iniuries done, fo as 
both we and the faide Princes, or others fo complayning, may 
holde vs and themfelues fully contended : And if the faide 
Sir Humfrey, his heires and affignes, fhall not make or caufe 
to bee made fatisfaction accordingly, within fuch time fo to be 
limited : that then it fhall bee lawfull to vs, our heires and 
fucceffors, to put the faid Sir Humfrey, his heires and af- 
fignes, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the faid 
places to be difcouered as is aforefaide, or any of them out 
of our allegiance and protection, and that from and after 
fuch time of putting out of protection the faide Sir Hum- 
frey, and his heires, affignes, adherents and others fo to be 
put out, and the faid places within their habitation, poffeffion 
and rule, fhall be out of our protection and allegiance, and 
free for all princes and others to purfue with hoftilitie as 
being not our Subiects, nor by vs any way to bee aduowed, 
maintained or defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, 
nor to our protection, dominion or allegiance any way be- 
longing, for that expreffe mention, &c. In witneffe whereof, 
&c. Witneffe ourfelfe at Weftminfter the n. day of Iune, 
the twentieth yeere of our raigne. Anno Dom. 1578. 

Per ipfam Reginam, &c. 



A NARRATIVE 

OF THE EXPEDITION OF 

SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE 

FOR THE PLANTING OF A 

COLONY IN AMERICA. 



A NARRATIVE 

OF THE EXPEDITION OF 

SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE 

IN I583 FOR THE PLANTING OF A 

COLONY IN AMERICA, 

AS GIVEN BY CAPTAIN EDWARD HAIES, A DISTINGUISHED 
MEMBER OF THE EXPEDITION. 

A report of the voyage and fuccejfe thereof, attempted in the 
yeere of our Lord 1583 by fir Humfrey Gilbert 1 knight, 
with other gentlemen afjifling him in that aclion, in- 
tended to difcouer and to plant Chriflian inhabitants in 
place conuenient, vpon thofe large and ample countreys 
extended Northward from the cape of Florida, lying 
vnder very temperate Climes, efleemed fertile and rich in 
Minerals, yet not in the acluall poffefjion of any Chriflian 
prince, written by M. Edward Haies gentle7nan, and 

principall 

1 In this paper by Captain Haies, the actnefs or uniformity in the fpelling of 
orthography of Gylberte's name is dif- proper names. Indeed, the law govern- 
ferent throughout from that employed ing orthography generally had not be- 
by Sir Humfrey himfelf. The y is come fettled. It would feem, however, 
changed to t, and the final e is dropped. but juft that a man mould be allowed to 
At that period there was very little ex- tranfmit his own name unimpaired. 



io6 



A Narrative by 



principall aclour in the fame voyage, who alone continued 
vnto the end, and by Gods fpeciall ajjijiance returned 
home with his retinue fafe and entire. 

ANY voyages haue bene pretended, yet hitherto 
neuer any thorowly accomplished by our nation 
of exact difcouery into the bowels of those 
maine, ample and vail countreys, extended 
infinitely into the North from 30 degrees, or 
rather from 25 degrees of Septentrionall latitude, neither 
hath a right way bene taken of planting a Chriftian habita- 
tion and regiment vpon the fame, as well may appeare both 
by the little we yet do actually poffefs therein, & by our 
ignorance of v the riches and fecrets within thofe lands, 
which vnto this day we know chiefly by the trauell and 
report of other nations, and moft of the French, who albeit 
they can not challenge fuch right and interefl vnto the fayd 
countreys as we, neither thefe many yeeres haue had oppor- 
tunity nor meanes fo great to difcouer and to plant, being 
vexed with the calamities of inteftine warres, as we haue 
had by the ineftimable benefit of our long and happy peace : 
yet haue they both waies performed more, and had long 
lince attained a fure pofleffion and fettled gouernment of 
many prouinces in thofe Northerly parts of America, if 
their many attempts into thofe forren and remote lands 
had not bene impeached by their garboils at home. 

The firft difcouery of thefe coafts, neuer heard of before, 
was well begun by John Cabot the father, and Sebaftian his 
fonne, an Englifhman borne, who were the firft finders out 
of all that great tract of land ftretching from the cape of 

Florida 




Captain Edward Haies. 107 



Florida vnto thofe Iflands which we now call the New- 
foundland : all which they brought and annexed vnto the 
crowne of England. Since when, if with like diligence the 
fearch of inland countreys had bene followed, as the dif- 
couery vpon the coaft and out-parts therof was performed 
by thofe two men : no doubt her Maiefties territories and 
reuenue had bene mightily inlarged and aduanced by this 
day. And which is more: the feed of Chriftian religion 
had bene fowed amongft thofe pagans, which by this time 
might haue brought foorth a moft plentifull harveft and 
copious congregation of Chriftians : which muft be the 
chiefe intent of all fuch as mail make any attempt that way: 
or els whatfoeuer is builded vpon other foundation fhall 
neuer obtaine happy fucceffe nor continuance. And al- 
though we cannot precifely iudge, which onely belongeth 
to God, what haue bene the humours of men ftirred vp to 
great attempts of difcouering and planting in thofe remote 
countreys, yet the euents do mew that either Gods caufe 
hath not bene chiefly preferred by them, or els God hath 
not permitted fo abundant grace as the light of his word 
and knowledge of him to be yet reuealed vnto thofe infidels 
before the appointed time. 

But moft affuredly, the only caufe of religion hitherto 
hath kept backe, and will alfo bring forward at the time 
affigned by God, an effecluall and compleat difcouery & 
poffeffion by Chriftians both of thofe ample countreys and 
the riches within them hitherto concealed : whereof not- 
withstanding God in his wifdome hath permitted to be 
reuealed from time to time a certaine obfcure and mifty 
knowledge, by little and little to allure the mindes of men 

that 



io8 A Narrative by 



that way, which els will be dull enough in the zeale of his 
caufe, and thereby to prepare vs vnto a readineffe for the 
execution of his will againft the due time ordeined, of 
calling thofe pagans vnto Chriftianity. 

In the meane while, it behooueth euery man of great 
calling, in whom is any inftinct of inclination vnto this 
attempt to examine his owne motions : which if the fame 
proceed of ambition or auarice, he may affure himfelfe it 
commeth not of God, and therefore can not haue confidence 
of Gods protection and affiftance againft the violence, els 
irrefiftable, both of fea, and infinite perils vpon the land : 
whom God yet may vfe an inftrument to further his caufe 
and glory fome way, but not to build vpon fo bad a 
foundation. 

Otherwife, if his motiues be deriued from a vertuous & 
heroycall minde, preferring chiefly the honour of God, com- 
paffion of poore infidels captiued by the deuill, tyrannizing 
in moft woonderfull and dreadfull maner ouer their bodies 
and foules : aduancement of his honeft and well difpofed 
countreymen, willing to accompany him in fuch honourable 
actions : reliefe of fundry people within this realme dif- 
treffed : all thefe be honourable purpofes, imitating the 
nature of the munificent God, wherwith he is well pleafed, 
who will affift fuch an actour beyond expectation of man. 
And the fame, who feeleth this inclination in himfelfe, by 
all likelihood may hope, or rather confidently repofe in 
the preordinance of God, that in this laft age of the world, 
or likely neuer, the time is compleat of receiuing alfo thefe 
Gentiles into his mercy, and that God will raife him an 
inftrument to effect the fame : it feeming probable by euent 

of 



Captaifi Edward Hazes. 109 



of precedent attempts made by the Spanyards and French 
fundry times that the countreys lying North of Florida, 
God hath referued the fame to be reduced vnto Chriftian 
ciuility by the Englifh nation. For not long after that 
Chriftopher Columbus had difcouered the Iflands and con- 
tinent of the Weft Indies for Spayne, John and Sebaftian 
Cabot made difcouery alfo of the reft from Florida North- 
wards to the behoofe of England. 

And whenfoeuer afterwards the Spanyards, very profperous 
in all their Southerne difcoueries, did attempt anything into 
Florida and thofe regions inclining towards the North, they 
proued moft vnhappy, and were at length difcouraged vtterly 
by the hard and lamentable fucceffe of many both religious 
and valiant in armes, endeauouring to bring thofe Northerly 
regions alfo vnder the Spanifh iurifdiclion : as if God had 
prefcribed limits vnto the Spanifh nation which they might 
not exceed: as by their owne gefts 1 recorded may be aptly 
gathered. 

The French, as they can pretend leffe title vnto thefe 
Northerne parts then the Spanyard, by how much the Span- 
yard made the firft difcouery of the fame continent fo far 
Northward as vnto Florida, and the French did but reuiew 
that before difcouered by the Englifh nation, vfurping vpon 
our right, and impofmg names vpon countreys, riuers, bayes, 
capes, or headlands, as if they had bene the firft finders of 
thofe coafts : which iniury we offered not vnto the Span- 
yards, but left off to difcouer when we approched the 
Spanifh limits : euen fo God hath not hitherto permitted 
them to eftablifh a poffeffion permanent vpon anothers right, 

notwithftanding 

1 Gests, 2l tale of achievements, obsolete. Vide Webster's Dictionary. 



I IO 



A Narrative by 



notwithftanding their manifolde attempts, in which the iffue 
hath bene no leffe tragicall then that of the Spanyards, as by 
their owne reports is extant. 

Then feeing the Englifh nation onely hath right vnto 
thefe countreys of America from the cape of Florida North- 
ward by the priuilege of firfl difcouery, vnto which Cabot 
was authorifed by regall authority, and fet forth by the ex- 
penfe of our late famous king Henry the feuenth : which 
right alfo feemeth ftrongly defended on our behalfe by the 
powerfull hand of almighty God, withstanding the enter- 
prifes of other nations : it may greatly incourage vs vpon fo 
iuft ground, as is our right, and vpon fo facred an intent, as 
to plant religion, our right and intent being meet founda- 
tions for the fame, to profecute effectually the full poffeffion 
of thofe fo ample and pleafant countreys apperteining vnto 
the crowne of England : the fame, as is to be coniectured by 
infallible arguments of the worlds end approching, being 
now arriued vnto the time by God prefcribed of their voca- 
tion, if euer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may 
be expected. Which alfo is very probable by the reuolution 
and courfe of Gods word and religion, which from the begin- 
ning hath moued from the Eaft, towards, & at laft vnto the 
Weft, where it is like to end, vnlelfe the fame begin againe 
where it did in the Eaft, which were to expect a like world 
againe. But we are allured of the contrary by the prophefie 
of Chrift, whereby we gather, that after his word preached 
thorowout the world fhalbe the end. And as the Gofpel 
when it defcended Weftward began in the South, and after- 
ward fpread into the North of Europe : euen fo, as the fame 
hath begunne in the South Countreys of America, no leffe 

hope 



Captain Edward Hates. 1 1 1 



hope may be gathered that it will alfo fpread into the 
North. 

Thefe confiderations may helpe to fuppreffe all dreads 
rifing of hard euents in attempts made this way by other 
nations, as alfo of the heauy fucceffe and iffue in the late 
enterprife made by a worthy gentleman our countryman fir 
Humfrey Gilbert knight, who was the firft of our nation that 
caried people to erect an habitation and gouernment in thofe 
Northerly countreys of America. About which, albeit he 
had confurned much fubftance, and loft his life at laft, his 
people alfo perifhing for the molt part : yet the myftery 
thereof we muft leaue vnto God, and iudge charitably both 
of the caufe, which was iuft in all pretence, and of the per- 
fon, who was very zealous in profecuting the fame, deferuing 
honourable remembrance for his good minde, and expenfe of 
life in fo vertuous an enterprife. Whereby neuertheleffe, 
leaft any man fhould be difmayed by example of other folks 
calamity and mifdeeme that God doth refift all attempts 
intended that way : I thought good, fo farre as myfelfe was 
an eye witnefle, to deliuer the circumflance and maner of 
our proceedings in that action : in which the gentleman was 
fo infortunately incumbred with wants, and woorfe matched 
with many ill-difpofed people, that his rare iudgement and 
regiment premeditated for thofe affaires, was fubiected to 
tolerate abufes, & in fundry extremities to holde on a courfe, 
more to vpholde credit, then likely in his owne conceit hap- 
pily to fucceede. 

The iffue of fuch actions, being alwayes miferable, not 
guided by God, who abhorreth confufion and diforder, 
hath left this for admonition being the firft attempt by our 

nation 



I 12 



A Narrative by 



nation to plant, vnto fuch as fhall take the fame caufe in 
hand hereafter not to be difcouraged from it : but to make 
men well aduifed how they handle his fo high and excellent 
matters, as the cariage is of his word into thofe very mighty 
and vaft countreys. An action doubtleffe not to be inter- 
medled with bafe purpofes : as many haue made the fame 
but a colour to fhadow actions otherwife fcarfe iuftifiable : 
which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end, to the 
terrifying of weake mindes from the caufe, without ponder- 
ing his iuft proceedings : and doth alfo incenfe forren princes 
againft our attempts how iuft foeuer, who cannot but deeme 
the fequele very dangerous vnto their ftate, if in thofe parts 
we mould grow to ftrength, feeing the very beginnings are 
entred with fpoile. 

And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards 
Gods caufe, alfo towards thofe in whom appeareth difpofition 
honourable vnto this action of planting Chriftian people and 
religion in thofe remote and barbarous nations of America, 
vnto whom I wifh all happinelfe ; I will now proceed to make 
relation briefly, yet particularly, of our voyage vndertaken 
with fir Humfrey Gilbert, begun, continued, and ended 
aduerfly. 

When firft Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Wefterne 
difcouery of America, and had procured from her Maiefty a 
very large commiffion to inhabit & poffeffe at his choice all 
remote and heathen lands not in the acluall poffeffion of any 
Chriftian prince, the fame commiffion exemplified with many 
priuileges, fuch as in his difcretion he might demand, very 
many gentlemen of good eftimation drew vnto him, to affo- 
ciate him in fo commendable an enterprife, fo that the 

preparation 



Captain Edward Hazes. 1 1 3 



preparation was expected to grow vnto a puiffant fleet, able 
to encounter a kings power by fea : neuertheleffe, amongft 
a multitude of voluntary men, their difpofitions were diuers, 
which bred a iarre, and made a diuifion in the end, to the 
confufion of that attempt euen before the fame was begun. 
And when the (hipping was in the maner prepared, & men 
ready vpon the coaft to go aboord : at that time fome brake 
confort, and followed courfes degenerating from the voyage 
before pretended : Others failed of their promifes contracted, 
and the greater number were difperfed, leauing the Generall 
with few of his affured friends, with whom he aduentured to 
fea : where hauing tailed of no leffe misfortune, he was 
fhortly driuen to retire home with the loffe of a tall fhip, and 
more to his griefe, of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan. 

Hauing buried onely in preparation a great maffe of fub- 
flance, wherby his eflate was impaired, his minde yet not 
difmaid, he continued his former defignment & purpofe to 
reuiue this enterprife, good occafion feruing. Vpon which 
determination ftanding long, without meanes to fatisfy his 
defire : at laft he granted certaine affignments out of his 
comiffion to fundry perfons of meane ability, defiring the 
priuilege of his grant, to plant & fortifle in the North parts 
of America about the riuer of Canada, to who if God gaue 
good fucceffe in the North parts, where then no matter of 
moment was expected, the fame he thought would greatly 
aduance the hope of the South, & be a furtherance vnto his 
determination that way. And the worfl that might happen 
in that courfe might be excufed without preiudice vnto him 
by the former fuppofition, that thofe North regions were of 
no regard : but chiefly a poffeffion taken in any parcell of 

15 thofe 



ii4 



A Narrative by 



thofe heathen countreys, by vertue of his grant, did inueft 
him of territories extending euery way two hundred leagues : 
which induced fir Humfrey Gylberte to make thofe align- 
ments, defiring greatly their expedition, becaufe his com- 
miffion did expire after fix yeres, if in that fpace he had not 
gotten actuall poffeffion. 

Time went away without anything done by his affignes : 
infomuch that at laft he muft refolue himfelfe to take a voy- 
age in perfon, for more affurance to keepe his patent in force, 
which then almoft was expired, or within two yeres. 

In furtherance of his determination, amongft others, fir 
George Peckam knight fhewed himfelfe very zealous to the 
action, greatly aiding him both by his aduice & in the charge. 
Other gentlemen to their ability ioyned vnto him, refoluing 
to aduenture their fubftance & Hues in the fame caufe. Who 
beginning their preparation from that time, both of fhipping, 
munition, victual, men, and things requifit, fome of them 
cotinued the charge two yeeres compleat without intermif- 
fion. Such were the difficulties and crofs accidents op- 
pofing thefe proceedings, which tooke not end in lefle 
than two yeres : many of which circumftances I will omit. 

The laft place of our affembly, before we left the coaft of 
England, was in Caufet bay neere vnto Plimmouth : then 
refolued to put vnto the fea with fhipping and prouifion, 
fuch as we had, before our ftore yet remaining, but chiefly 
the time and feafon of the yeere, were too farre fpent. 
Neuertheleffe it feemed firft very doubtfull by what way to 
fhape our courfe, and to begin our intended difcouery, either 
from the South Northward, or from the North Southward. 

The firft, that is, beginning South, without all controuerfie 

was 



Captain Edward Hazes. 



"5 



was the likelieft, wherein we were affured to haue commodity 
of the current, which from the cape of Florida fetteth North- 
ward, and would haue furthered greatly our nauigation, dif- 
couering from the forefayd cape along towards cape Briton, 
and all thofe lands lying to the North. 

Alfo, the yere being farre fpent, and arriued to the moneth 
of June, we were not to fpend time in Northerly courfes, 
where we mould be furprifed with timely Winter, but to 
couet the South, which we had fpace enough then to haue 
attained ; and there might with leffe detriment haue wintred 
that feafon, being more milde and fhort in the South then in 
the North where winter is both long and rigorous. 

Thefe and other like reafons alleged in fauour of the 
Southerne courfe firfl to be taken, to the contrary was in- 
ferred : that forafmuch as both our victuals, and many other 
needful prouifions were diminifhed and left infufficient for fo 
long a voyage, and for the wintering of fo many men, we 
ought to fhape a courfe mo ft likely to minifter fupply ; and 
that was to take the Newfoundland in our way, which was but 
feuen hundred leagues from our Englifh coaft Where being 
vfually at that time of the yere, and vntill the flue of Auguft, 
a multitude of mips repairing thither for fifh, we mould 
be relieued abundantly with many neceffaries, which after 
the filhing ended, they might well fpare, and freely impart 
vnto vs. 

Not Haying long vpon that Newland coaft, we might 
proceed Southward, and follow ftill the Sunne, vntill we 
arriued at places more temperate to our content. 

By which reafons we were the rather induced to follow 
this Northerly courfe, obeying vnto neceffity, which mufl 

be 



n6 



A Narrative by 



be fupplied. Otherwife, we doubted that fudden approch 
of Winter, bringing with it continuall fogge, and thicke 
mifts, temper!: and rage of weather ; alfo contrariety of 
currents defcending from the cape of Florida vnto cape 
Briton and cape Rafe, would fall out to be great and irre- 
fiftable impediments vnto our further proceeding for that 
yeere, and compell vs to Winter in thofe North and colde 
regions. 

Wherefore fupprefling all obieclions to the contrary, we 
refolued to begin our courfe Northward, and to follow 
directly as we might, the trade way vnto Newfoundland : 
from whence after our refrefhing and reparation of wants* 
we intended without delay, by Gods permiffion, to proceed 
into the South, not omitting any riuer or bay which in all 
that large tract of land appeared to our view worthy of 
fearch. Immediately we agreed vpon the maner of our 
courfe and orders to be obferued in our voyage : which were 
deliuered in writing vnto the captaines and mafters of euery 
fhip a copy in maner following : — 

Euery fhippe had deliuered two bullets or fcrowles, the 
one fealed vp in waxe, the other left open : in both which 
were included feuerall watch-words. That open, feruing 
upon our owne coaft or the coaft of Ireland : the other 
fealed was promifed on all hands not to be broken vp vntill 
we fhould be cleere of the Irifli coaft ; which from thence- 
foorth did ferue vntill we arriued and met altogether in 
fuch harbors of the Newfoundland as were agreed for our 
Rendez vouz. The fayd watch-words being requifite to 
know our conforts whenfoeuer by night, either by fortune 
of weather, our fleet difperfed fhould come together againe ; 

or 



Captain Edward Hates. 1 1 7 



or one fhould hale another; or if by ill watch and fteerage 
one fhip fhould chance to fall aboord of another in the 
darke. 

The reafon of the bullet fealed was to keepe fecret that 
watch-word while we were vpon our owne coaft, left any 
of the company ftealing from the fleet might bewray the 
fame: which knowen to an enemy, he might boord us by 
night without miftruft, hauing our owne watch-word. 

Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Matters to be 
obferued by the fleet of Sir Humfrey Gilbert. 

Firft, the Admirall to cary his flag by day, and his light 
by night. 

2 Item, if the Admirall fhall fhorten his faile by night, 
then to fhew two lights vntill he be anfwered againe by 
euery fhip fhewing one light for a fhort time. 

3 Item, if the Admirall after his fhortening of faile, as 
aforefayd, fhall make more faile againe: then he to fhew 
three lights one aboue another. 

4 Item, if the Admirall fhall happen to hull in the night, 
then to make a wauering light ouer his other light, wauer- 
ing the light vpon a pole. 

5 Item, if the fleet fhould happen to be fcattered, weather 
or other mifhap, then fo foone as one fhall defcry another to 
hoife both toppe failes twife, if the weather will ferue, and 
to ftrike them twife againe: but if the weather ferue not, 
then to hoife the maine top faile twife, and forthwith to 
ftrike it twife againe. 

6 Item, if it fhall happen a great fogge to fall, then pref- 
ently euery fhippe to beare vp with the admirall, if there be 
winde : but if it be a calme, then euery fhip to hull, and fo 

to 



n8 



A Narrative by 



to lie at hull till it be cleere. And if the fogge do continue 
long, then the Admirall to (hoot off two pieces euery euening, 
and euery fhip to anfwere it with one fhot : and euery man 
bearing to the fhip, that is to leeward fo neere as he may. 

7 Item, euery matter to giue charge vnto the watch to 
looke out well, for laying aboord one of another in the 
night, and in fogges. 

8 Item, euery euening euery fhip to hail the admirall, and 
fo to fall afterne him failing thorow the Ocean : and being 
on the coaft, euery fhip to haile him both morning and 
euening. 

9 Item, if any fhip be in danger any way, by leake or 
otherwife, then fhe to fhoot off a piece, and prefently to 
hang out one light, whereupon euery man to beare towards 
her, anfwering her with one light for a fhort time, and fo to 
put it out againe : thereby to giue knowledge that they haue 
feene her token. 

10 Item, whenfoeuer the Admirall fhall hang out her 
enfigne in the maine fhrouds, then euery man to come 
aboord her, as a token of counfell. 

1 1 Item, if there happen any ftorme or contrary winde to 
the fleet after the difcouery, whereby they are feparated : 
then euery fhip to repaire vnto their laft good port, there 
to meet againe. 

Our courfe agreed vpon. 

The courfe firft to be taken for the difcouery is to beare 
directly to Cape Rafe, the moft Southerly cape of New- 
found land ; and there to harbour ourfelues either in 
Rogneux or Fermous, being the firft places appointed for 

our 



Captain Edward Haies. 1 1 9 



our Rendez vous, and the next harbours vnto the North- 
ward of cape Rafe: and therefore euery fhip feparated from 
the fleete to repaire to that place fo faft as God mail permit, 
whether you mail fall to the Southward or to the North- 
ward of it, and there to ftay for the meeting of the whole 
fleet the fpace of ten dayes: and when you mail depart, to 
leaue marks. 

A direclion of our courfe vnto the Newfound la7td. 

Beginning our courfe from Gilley, the neereft is by Weft- 
fouthweft if the winde feme vntill fuch time as we haue 
brought ourfelues in the latitude of 43 or 44 degrees, becaufe 
the Ocean is fubiecl; much to Southerly windes in June and 
July. Then to take trauerfe from 45 to 47 degrees of lati- 
tude, if we be inforced by contrary windes : and not to go 
to the Northward of the height of 47 degrees of Septen- 
trionall latitude by no meanes ; if God mail not inforce the 
contrary : but to do your indeauour to keepe in the height 
of 46 degrees, fo nere as you can poffibly, becaufe cape 
Rafe lieth about that height. 

Notes. — If by contrary windes we be driuen backe vpon 
the coaft of England, then to repaire vnto Silley for a place 
of our affembly or meeting. 

If we be driuen back by contrary winds that we can not 
paffe the coaft of Ireland, then the place of our affembly to 
be at the Beare hauen, or Baltimore hauen. 

If we fhall not happen to meete at cape Rafe, then the 
place of Rendez vous to be at cape Briton, or the neereft 
harbour vnto the Weftward of cape Briton. 

If 



120 



A Narrative by 



If by meanes of other fhipping we may not fafely ftay 
there, then to reft at the very next fafe port to the Weftward : 
euery fhip leauing their marks behinde them for the more cer- 
tainty of the after commers to knowe where to finde them. 

The marks that euery man ought to leaue in fuch a cafe, 
were of the Generals priuate deuice written by himfelfe, 
fealed alfo in clofe waxe, and deliuered vnto euery fhippe 
one fcroule, which was not to be opened vntili occafion re- 
quired, whereby euery man was certified what to leaue for 
inftruclion of after commers : that euery of vs comming 
into any harbour or riuer might know who had bene there ; 
or whether any were ftill there vp higher into the riuer, or 
departed, and which way. 

Orders thus determined, and promifes mutually giuen to 
be obferued, euery man withdrew himfelfe vnto his charge, 
the ankers being already weyed, and our fhippes vnder faile, 
hauing a foft gale of winde, we began our voyage vpon Tuef- 
day the eleuenth day of June, in the yere of our Lord 1583, 
hauing in our fleet at our departure from Caufet bay thefe 
fhippes, whofe names and burthens, with the names of the 
captaines and mafters of them, I haue alfo inferted, as 
followeth : 

1. The Delight alias The George, of burthen 120 tunnes, 
was Admirall : in which went the Generall, and William 
Winter captaine in her and part owner, and Richard Clearke 
mafter. 

2. The Barke Raleigh fet forth by M. Walter Raleigh, of 
the burthen of 200 tunnes, was then Vice-admirall : in which 
went M. Butler captaine, and Robert Dauis of Briftoll 
mafter. 

3. The 



Captain Edward Hates. 



12 1 



3. The Golden hinde, of burthen 40 tunnes, was then 
Reare-admirall : in which went Edward Haies captaine and 
owner, and William Cox of Limehoufe mafter. 

4. The Swallow, of burthen 40 tunnes : in her was cap- 
taine Maurice Browne. 

5. The Squirrill, of burthen 10 tunnes: in which went 
captain William Andrewes, and one Cade mafter. 

We were in number in all about 260 men : among whom 
we had of euery faculty good choice, as Shipwrights, Mafons, 
Carpenters, Smithes, and fuch like, requifite to fuch an 
action : alfo Minerall men and Refiners. Befides, for folace 
of our people, and allurement of the Sauages, we were pro- 
uided of Mufike in good variety : not omitting the leafl 
toyes, as Morris dancers, Hobby horffe, and Maylike con- 
ceits to delight the Sauage people, whom we intended to 
winne by all faire meanes poffible. And to that end we 
were indifferently furnifhed of all petty haberdafherie wares 
to barter with thofe fimple people. 

In this maner we fet forward, departing as hath bene faid 
out of Caufet bay the eleuenth day of June being Tuefday, 
the weather and winde faire and good all day, but a great 
ftorme of thunder and winde fell the fame night. 

Thurfday following, when we hailed one another in the 
euening according to the order before fpecified they fignified 
vnto vs out of the Vizadmirall, that both the Captaine, and 
very many of the men were fallen ficke. And about mid- 
night the Vizeadmirall forfooke vs, notwithftanding we had 
the winde Eaft, faire and good. But it was after credibly 
reported, that they were infected with a contagious fickneffe, 
and arriued greatly diftrefied at Plimmoth : the reafon I 

16 could 



122 



A Narrative by 



could neuer vnderftand, Sure I am, no coft was fpared by 
their owner Mafter Raleigh in fetting them forth : Therefore 
I leaue it vnto God. 

By this time we were in 48 degrees of latitude, not a little 
grieued with the loffe of the moft puiffant fhip in our fleete: 
after whofe departure, the Golden Hind fucceeded in the 
place of Vizadmirall, and remooued her flagge from the 
mizon vnto the foretop. 

From Saturday the 15 of June vntill the 28, which was 
vpon a Friday, we neuer had faire day without fogge or 
raine, and windes bad, much to the Weft northweft, whereby 
we were driuen Southward vnto 41 degrees fcarfe. 

About this time of the yere the winds are commonly Weft 
towards the Newfound land, keeping ordinarily within two 
points of Weft to the South or to the North, whereby the 
courfe thither falleth out to be long and tedious after June, 
which in March, Apriell & May, hath bene performed out of 
England in 22 days and leffe. We had winde alwayes fo 
fcant from Weft northweft, and from Weft fouthweft againe, 
that our trauerfe was great, running South vnto 41 degrees 
almoft, and afterward North into 51 degrees. 

Alfo we were incombred with much fogge and mifts in 
maner palpable, in which we could not keepe fo well to- 
gether, but were diffeuered, lofing the companie of the 
Swallow and the Squirrell vpon the 20 day of July, whom 
we met againe at feuerall places vpon the Newfound land 
coaft the third of Auguft, as fhalbe declared in place 
conuenient. 

Saturday, the 27 of July, we might defcry not farre from 
vs as it were mountaines of yce, driuen vpon the fea, being 

then 



Captain Edward Hates. 123 



then in 50 degrees, which were caried Southward to the 
weather of vs; whereby may be coniectured that fome 
current doth fet that way from the North. 

Before w 7 e came to Newfound land about 50 leagues on 
this fide, we paffe the banke, which are high grounds rifing 
within the fea and vnder water, yet deepe enough and with- 
out danger, being commonly not leffe than 20 and 30 
fadome water vpon them : the fame, as it were fome vaine 
of mountaines within the fea, doe runne along, and from 
the Newfound land, beginning Northward about 52 or 53 
degrees of latitude, & do extend into the South infinitly. 
The bredth of this banke is fome where more, and fome- 
where leffe : but we found the fame about 10 leagues ouer, 
hauing founded both on this fide thereof, and the other 
toward Newfound land, but found no ground with almoft 
200 fadome of line, both before & after we had paffed the 
banke. The Portugals, and French chiefly, haue a notable 
trade of fifhing vpon this banke, where are fometimes an 
hundred or more failes of fhips : who commonly beginne 
the fifhing in Apriell, and haue ended by July. That fifh 
is large, alwayes wet hauing no land neere to drie, and is 
called Corre fifh. 

During the time of fifhing, a man fhall know without 
founding when he is vpon the banke, by the incredible 
multitude of fea foule houering ouer the fame, to pray vpon 
the offalles & garbifh of fifh throwen out by fifhermen, and 
floting vpon the fea. 

Vpon Tuefday the 1 1 of June, we forfooke the coaft of 
England. So againe Tuefday the 30 of July, feuen weekes 
after, we got fight of land, being immediately embayed in 

the 



124 



A Narrative by 



the Grand bay, or fome other great bay : the certainty 
whereof we could not iudge, fo great hafe and fogge did 
hang vpon the coaft, as neither we might difcerne the land 
well, nor take the funnes height. But by our beft computa- 
tion we were then in the 51 degrees of latitude. Forfaking 
this bay and vncomfortable coaft, nothing appearing vnto 
vs but hideous rockes and mountaines, bare of trees, and 
voide of any greene herbe, we followed the coaft to the 
South, with weather faire and cleare. 

We had fight of an Hand named Penguin, 1 of a foule 
there breeding in abundance, almoft incredible, which can- 
not flie, their wings not able to carry their body, being very 
large, not much leffe than a goofe, and exceeding fat: which 
the French men vfe to take without difficulty vpon that 
Hand, and to barrell them vp with fait. But for lingering 
of time, we had made vs there the like provifion. 

Trending this coaft, we came to the Hand called Bacca- 
laos, being not paft two leagues from the maine : to the 
South thereof lieth Cape S. Francis, 5. leagues diftant from 
Baccalaos, between which goeth in a great bay, by the 
vulgar fort called the bay of Conception. Here we met 
with the Swallow againe, whom we had loft in the fogge, 
and all her men altered into other apparell : whereof it 
feemed their ftore was fo amended, that for ioy and con- 
gratulation of our meeting, they fpared not to caft vp into 
the aire and ouerboord, their caps & hats in good plenty. 
The Captaine albeit himfelfe was very honeft and religious, 
yet was he not appointed of men to his humor and defert : 
who for the moft part were fuch as had bene by vs furprifed 

vpon 

1 The Great Auk, A lea impennis, now nearly, if not entirely, extin6l. 



Captain Edward Hates. 125 



vpon the narrow feas of England, being pirats and had 
taken at that inftant certaine Frenchmen laden, one barke 
with wines, and another with fait. Both which we refcued, 
& tooke the man of warre with all her men, which was the 
fame fhip now called the Swallow, following ftill their kind 
fo oft, as being feparated from the Generall they found 
opportunities to robbe and fpoile. And becaufe Gods 
iuftice did follow the fame company, euen to diftruclion, 
and to the ouerthrow alfo of the Captaine, although not 
confenting to their mifdemeanor, I will not conceale any- 
thing that maketh to the manifeftation and approbation of 
his iudgements, for example of others, perfwaded that God 
more fharpely tooke reuenge vpon them, and hath tolerated 
longer as great outrage in others : by how much thefe went 
vnder protection of his caufe and religion, which was then 
pretended. 

Therefore vpon further enquiry it was knowen, how this 
copany met with a barke returning home after the fifhing 
with his fraight: and becaufe the men in the Swallow were 
very neere fcanted of victuall, and chiefly of apparell, doubt- 
ful with all where or when to find and meete with their 
Admiral, they befought the captaine they might go aboord 
this Newlander, only to borrow what might be fpared, the 
rather becaufe the fame was bound homeward. Leaue 
giuen, not without charge to deale fauourably, they came 
aboord the fifherman, who they rifled of tackle, failes, cables, 
victuals, & the men of their apparell : not fparing by tor- 
ture, winding cords about their heads, to draw out elfe 
what they thought good. This done with expedition, like 
men fkilfull in fuch mifchiefe, as they tooke their cocke 

boate 



A Narrative by 



boate to go aboord their own fhip, it was ouerwhelmed in 
the fea, and certaine of thefe men there drowned: the reft 
were preferued euen by thofe filly foules whom they had 
before fpoyled, who faued and deliuered them aboord the 
Swallow. What became afterward of the poore Newlander, 
perhaps deftitute of fayles and furniture fufficient to carry 
them home, whither they had not leffe to runne then 700 
leagues, God alone knoweth, who tooke vengeance not 
long after of the reft that efcaped at this inftant : to reueale 
the fact, and iuflifle to the world Gods iudgements inflicted 
vpon them, as fhalbe declared in place conuenient. 

Thus after we had met with the Swallow, we held on our 
courfe Southward, vntil we came againft the harbor called 
S. John, about 5 leagues from the former Cape of S. Francis: 
where before the entrance into the harbor, we found alfo 
the Frigate or Squirrill lying at anker. Whom the Englifh 
marchants, that were & alwaies be Admirals by turnes in- 
terchangeably ouer the fleetes of fifhermen within the fame 
harbor, would not permit to enter into the harbor. Glad of 
fo happy meeting both of the Swallow and Frigate in one 
day, being Saturday the 3. of Auguft we made readie our 
fights, 1 & prepared to enter the harbor, any refiftance to the 
contrarie notwithstanding, there being within of all nations, 
to the number of 36 failes. But firft the Generall dif- 
patched a boat to giue them knowledge of his comming for 
no ill intent, hauing Commiffion from her Maieflie for his 
voiage he had in hand. And immediatly we followed with 
a flacke gale, and in the very entrance, which is but narrow, 
not aboue 2 buts length, the Admirall fell vpon a rocke on 

the 

1 A fcreen for combatants on mips. 



Captain Edward Haies. 127 



the larboord fide by great ouerfight, in that the weather 
was faire, the rocke much aboue water faft by the more, 
where neither went any fea gate. But we found such readi- 
neffe in the Englifh Marchants to helpe vs in that danger, 
that without delay there were brought a number of boates, 
which towed off the fhip, and cleared her of danger. 

Hauing taken place conuenient in the road, we let fall 
ankers, the Captaines and Mailers repairing aboord our 
Admirall: whither alfo came immediatly the Matters and 
owners of the riming fleete of Englishmen, to vnderftand 
the Generals intent and caufe of our arriuall there. They 
were all fatisfied when the General had fhewed his commif- 
fion and purpofe to take poffeffion of thofe lands to the 
behalfe of the crowne of England, and the aduancement of 
Chriftian religion in thofe Paganifh regions, requiring but 
their lawfull ayde for repayeing of his fleete, and fupply of 
fome neceffaries, so farre as conueniently might be afforded 
him, both out of that and other habors adioyning. In lieu 
whereof, he made offer to gratifie them, with any fauour 
or priuiledge, which vpon their better aduife they mould 
demand, the like being not to bee obteyned hereafter for 
greater price. So crauing expedition of his demand, mind- 
ing to proceede further South without long detention in 
thofe partes, he difmiffed them, after promife giuen of their 
beft indeuour to fatisfle fpeedily his fo reafonable requeft. 
The marchants with their Matters departed, they caufed 
forthwith to be difcharged all the great Ordinance of their 
fleete in token of our welcome. 

It was further determined that euery fhip of our fleete 
mould deliuer vnto the marchants and Matters of that har- 
bour 



128 



A Narrative by 



bour a note of all their wants : which done, the fhips afwell 
Englifh as ftrangers, were taxed at an eafie rate to make 
fupply. And befides, Commiffioners were appointed, part of 
our owne companie and part of theirs, to go into other har- 
bours adioyning, for our Englifh marchants command all 
there, to leauie of our prouifion : whereunto the Portugals 
aboue other nations did moft willingly and liberally con- 
tribute. Infomuch as we were prefented aboue our allow- 
ance with wines, marmalads, moft fine rufke or bifket, fweet 
oyles and fundry delicacies. Alfo we wanted not of frefh 
falmons, trouts, lobfters and other frefh fifh brought daily 
vnto vs. Moreouer as the maner is in their fifhing, euery 
weeke to choofe their Admirall a new, or rather they fuc- 
ceede in orderly courfe, and haue weekely their Admirals 
feaft folemnized : euen fo the General, Captaines and matters 
of our fleete were continually inuited and feafted. To grow 
fhort, in our abundance at home, the intertainment had bene 
delightfull, but after our wants and tedious paffage through 
the Ocean, it feemed more acceptable and of greater conten- 
tation, by how much the fame was vnexpefted in that defo- 
late corner of the world ; where at other times of the yeare, 
wilde beaffcs and birds haue only the fruition of all thofe 
countries, which now feemed a place very populous, and 
much frequented. 

The next morning being Sunday and the 4 of Auguft, the 
Generall and his company were brought on land by Englifh 
marchants, who mewed vnto vs their accuftomed walks vnto 
a place they call the Garden. But nothing appeared more 
then Nature it felfe without art : who confufedly hath brought 
forth rofes abundantly, wilde, but odoriferous, and to fenfe 

very 



Captain Edward Hazes. 129 



very comfortable. Alfo the like plentie of rafpis berries, 
which doe grow in euery place. 

Munday following Augufl 4, the Generall had his tent 
fet vp, who being accompanied with his own followers, fom- 
moned the marchants and matters, both Englifh and flrangers 
to be prefent at his taking poffeffion of thofe Countries. Be- 
fore whom openly was read & interpreted vnto the flrangers 
his Commifiion : by vertue whereof he tooke poffeffion in 
the fame harbour of S. John, and 200 leagues euery way, in- 
uefled the Queenes Maieflie with the title and dignitie 
thereof, had deliuered vnto him, after the cuftome of Eng- 
land a rod and a turffe of the fame foile, entring poffeffion 
alfo for him, his heires and affignes for euer: And fignified 
vnto al men, that from that time forward, they mould take 
the fame land as a territorie appertaining to the Queene of 
England, and himfelfe authorifed vnder her Maieflie to pof- 
feffe and enioy it. And to ordaine lawes for the gouerne- 
ment thereof, agreeable, fo neere as conueniently might be, 
vnto the lawes of England : vnder which all people coming 
thither hereafter either to inhabite, or by way of traffique, 
mould be fubiecled and gouerned, And efpecially at the fame 
time for a beginning, he propofed & deliuered three lawes to 
be in force immediatly. That is to fay: 

The firft, for Religion, which in publique exercife mould 
be according to the Church of England. 

The 2. for maintenance of her Maieflies right and pof- 
feffion of thofe territories, againft which if anything were 
attempted preiudiciall the partie or parties offending mould 
be adiudged and executed as in cafe of high treafon, accord- 
ing to the lawes of England. 

17 The 



A Narrative by 



The 3. if any perfon mould vtter words founding to the 
difhonour of her Maieftie, he fhould loofe his eares, and haue 
his fhip and goods confifcate. 

Thefe contents publifhed, obedience was promifed by gen- 
erall voyce and confent of the multitude afwell of Englifh- 
men as ftrangers, praying for continuance of this poffeffion 
and gouernement begun. After this, the affembly was dif- 
miffed." And afterward were erected not farre from that 
place the Armes of England ingrauen in lead, infixed vpon 
a pillar of wood. Yet further and actually to eftablifh this 
poffeffion taken in the right of her Maieftie, and to the 
behoofe of Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, his heires and af- 
fignes for euer : the Generall granted in fee farme diuers 
parcels of land lying by the water-fide, both in this harbour 
of S. John, and elfewhere, which was to the owners a great 
commoditie, being thereby afTured (by their proper inherit- 
ance) of grounds conuenient to dreffe and to drie their fifh, 
whereof, many times before they did faile, being preuented 
by them that came firft into the harbor. For which 
grounds they did couenant to pay a certaine rent and fer- 
uice vnto fir Humfrey Gilbert, his heires or affignes for 
euer, and yeerely to maintaine pofTefTion of the fame, by 
themfelves or their affignes. 

Now remained only to take in prouifion granted, accord- 
ing as euery fhippe was taxed, which did fifh vpon the coaft 
adioyning. In the meane while, the Generall appointed men 
vnto their charge : fome to repaire and trim the mips, others to 
attend in gathering togither our fupply and prouifions : others 
to fearch the commodities and Angularities of the countrey, 
to be found by fea or land, and to make relation vnto the 

Generall 



Captain Edward Haies. 1 3 1 



Generall what eyther themfelues could knowe by their own 
trauaile and experience, or by good intelligence of Englifh 
men or ftrangers, who had longer! frequented the fame coaft. 
Alfo fome obferued the eleuation of the pole, and drewe 
plates of the countrey exactly graded. And by that I could 
gather by each mans feuerall relation, I haue drawen a briefe 
defcription of the Newfound land, with the commodities by 
fea or lande alreadie made, and fuch alfo as are in poffibilitie 
and great likelihood to be made : Neuertheleffe the Cardes 
and plats that were drawing, with the due gradation of the 
harbors, bayes, and capes, did perifh with the Admirall : 
wherefore in the defcription following, I muft omit the 
particulars of fuch things. 

A briefe relation of the Newfound lande, and the 
commodities thereof. 

That which we doe call the Newfound land, and the 
Frenchmen Bacalaos, is an Hand, or rather, after the opinion 
of fome, it confifteth of fundry Hands and broken lands, 
fituate in the North regions of America, vpon the gulfe 
and entrance of the great riuer called S. Laurence in 
Canada. Into the which, nauigation may be made both on 
the South and North fide of this Hand. The land lyeth 
South and North, containing in length betweene three & 
400 miles, accounting from cape Race, which is in 46 de- 
grees, 25 minuts vnto the Grand bay in 52 degrees of 
Septentrionall latitude. The Hand round about hath very 
many goodly bayes and harbors, fafe roads for fhips, the like 
not to be found in any part of the knowen world. 

The 



132 



A Narrative by 



The common opinion that is had of intemperature & ex- 
treme cold that fhould be in this countrey, as of fome part 
it may be verified, namely the North, where I grant it is 
more colde then in countries of Europe, which are vnder 
the fame eleuation : euen fo it cannot ftand with reafon 
and nature of the clime, that the South parts fhould be fo 
intemperate as the brute hath gone. For as the fame doe 
lie vnder the climats of Briton, Anion, Poicfou in France, 
betweene 46 and 49 degrees, fo can they not fo much differ 
from the temperature of thofe countries : vnleffe vpon the 
outcoaft lying open vnto the Ocean and fharpe windes, it 
muft in deede be fubiecl to more colde, then further within 
the land, where the mountaines are interpofed, as walles 
and bulwarkes, to defend and to refift the afperitie and rigor 
of the fea and weather. Some hold opinion, that the 
Newfound land might be the more fubiecl to cold, by how 
much it lyeth high and neere vnto the middle region. I 
grant that not in Newfound land alone, but in Germany, 
Italy and Afrike, euen vnder the Equinoctiall line, the 
mountaines are extreme cold, and feeldome vncouered of 
mow, in their culme and high eft tops, which commeth to 
paffe by the fame reafon that they are extended towards the 
middle region : yet in the countries lying beneth them, it 
is found quite contrary. Euen fo all hils hauing their dif- 
cents, the valleis alio and low grounds muft be likewife 
hot or temperate, as the clime doeth giue in Newfound 
land : though I am of opinion that the Sunnes reflection 
is much cooled, and cannot be fo forcible in the Newfound 
land, nor generally throughout America, as in Europe or 
Afrike: by how much the Sunne in his diurnal courfe from 

Eaft 



Captain Edward Hazes. 133 

Eaft to Weft, paffeth. ouer, for the moft part, dry land and 
fandy countries, before he arriueth at the Weft of Europe 
or Afrike, whereby his motion increafeth heat, with little 
or no qualification by moyft vapours. Where, on the con- 
trary he pafleth from Europe and Afrike vnto America ouer 
the Ocean, from whence it draweth and carieth with him 
abundance of moyft vapours, which doe qualifie and infeeble 
greatly the Sunnes reuerberation vpon this countrey chiefly 
of Newfound land, being fo much to the Northward. 
Neuertheleffe, as I fayd before, the cold cannot be fo intol- 
erable vnder the latitude of 46 47 and 48, efpeciall within 
land, that it fhould be vninhabitable, as fome doe suppofe, 
feeing alfo there are very many people more to the North 
by a great deale. And in thefe South parts there be cer- 
taine beaftes, Ounces or Leopards, and birdes in like maner 
which in the Sommer we haue feene, not heard of in 
countries of extreme and vehement coldneffe. Beftdes, as 
in the monethes of June, July, Auguft and September, the 
heate is fomewhat more then in England at thofe feafons : 
fo men remaining vpon the fouth parts neere vnto cape 
Rece, vntill after Hollandtide, haue not found the cold 
fo extreme, nor much differing from the temperature of 
England. Thofe which haue arriued there after Nouember 
and December, haue found the fnow exceeding deepe, 
whereat no maruaile, confidering the ground vpon the coaft 
is rough and vneuen, and the fnow is driuen into the places 
moft declyning as the like is to be feene with vs. The like 
depth of fnow happily fhall not be found within land vpon 
the playner countries, which alfo are defended by the moun- 
taines, breaking off the violence of winds and weather. 

But 



134 



A Narrative by 



But admitting extraordinary cold in thofe South parts, 
aboue that with vs here: it can not be fo great as in 
Sweedland, much leffe in Mofcouia or Ruffia: yet are the 
fame countries very populous, and the rigor of cold is dif- 
penfed with by the commoditie of Stoues, warme clothing, 
meats and drinkes: all which neede not to be wanting in 
the Newfound land, if we had intent there to inhabite. 

In the South parts we found no inhabitants, which by all 
likelihood haue abandoned thofe coaftes, the fame being 
fo much frequented by Chriftians : But in the North are 
fauages altogether harmeleffe. Touching the commodities 
of this countrie, feruing either for fuftentation of inhab- 
itants, or for maintenance of traffique, there are & may be 
made diuers : fo y* it feemeth Nature hath recompenced 
that only defect and incommoditie of fome fharpe cold, by 
many benefits : viz. With incredible quantitie, and no leffe 
varietie of kindes of fifh in the fea and frefh waters, as 
Trouts, Salmons and other fifh to vs vnknowen : Alfo Cod, 
which alone draweth many nations thither, and is become 
the moft famous fiming of the world. Abundance of 
Whales, for which alfo is a very great trade in the bayes 
of Placentia & the Grand bay, where is made Traine oiles 
of the Whale : Herring the largeft that haue bene heard of, 
and exceeding the Malftrond herring of Norway : but 
hitherto was neuer benefit taken of the herring fifhing. 
There are fundry other fifh very delicate, namely the Bonito, 
Lobfters, Turbut, with others infinite not fought after: 
Oyflers hauing pearle but not orient in colour: I tooke it 
by reafon they were not gathered in feafon. 

Concerning the inland commodities, afwel to be drawen 

from 



Captain Edward Hazes. 135 



from this land, as from the exceeding large countries ad- 
ioyning : there is nothing which our Eaft and Northerly 
countries of Europe doe yeelde, but the like alfo may be 
made in them as plentifully by time and induflrie : Namely, 
rofen, pitch, tarre, fopeafhes, dealboord, maft.es for mips, 
hides, furres, flaxe, hempe, corne, cables, cordage, linnen- 
cloth, mettals and many more. All which the countries 
will aford, and the foyle is apt to yeelde. 

The trees for the moft in thofe South parts, are 
Firretrees, Pine and Cypreffe, all yeelding Gumme and 
Turpentine. 

Cherrie trees bearing fruit no bigger than a fmall peafe. 
Alfo peare trees, but fruitleffe. Other trees of fome forts 
to vs vnknowen. 

The foyle along the coaft is not deepe of earth, bringing 
forth abundantly peafon fmall, yet good feeding for cattel. 
Rofes paffing fweet, like vnto our mufke rofes in forme, 
rafpafes, a berry which we call Hurts, good and holefome 
to eat. The graffe and herbe doth fat fheepe in very fhort 
fpace, proued by Englifh marchants which haue caried 
fheepe thither for frefh vicluall and had them raifed exceed- 
ing fat in leffe then three weekes. Peafon which our 
countreymen haue fowen in the time of May, haue come vp 
faire, and bene gathered in the beginning of Auguft, of 
which our Generall had a prefent acceptable for the rare- 
neffe, being the firfT, fruits comming vp by art and induflrie 
in that defolate and difhabited land. 

Lakes or pooles of frefh water, both on the tops of moun- 
taines and in the vallies. In which are faid to be mufkles 
not vnlike to haue pearle, which I had put in trial!, if by 

mifchance 



136 



A Narrative by 



mifchance falling vnto me, I had not bene letted from 
that and other good experiments I was minded to 
make. 

Foule both of water and land in great plentie and diuer- 
fitie. All kind of green foule : Others as bigge as Buftards, 
yet not the fame. A great white foule called of fome a 
Gaunt. 

Vpon the land diuers forts of haukes, as faulcons, and 
others by report: Partridges moft plentifull larger then 
ours, gray and white of colour, and rough footed like doues, 
which our men after one flight did kill with cudgels, they 
were fo fat and vnable to flie. Birds fome like blackbirds, 
linnets, Canary birds, and other very fmall. Beafts of fun- 
dry kindes, red deare, buffles or a beaft, as it feemeth by 
the tract & foote very large in maner of an oxe. Beares, 
ounces or leopards, fome greater & fome leffer, wolues, 
foxes, which to the Northward a little further are black, 
whofe furre is efteemed in fome Countries of Europe very 
rich. Otters, beuers, marternes : And in the opinion of 
moft men that faw it, the Generall had brought vnto him 
a Sable aliue, which he fent vnto his brother fir John 
Gilbert knight of Deuonfhire: but it was neuer deliuered, 
as after I vnderftood. We could not obferue the hundredth 
part of creatures in thofe vnhabited lands: but thefe men- 
tioned may induce vs to glorifle the magnificent God, who 
hath fuperabundantly replenifhed the earth with creatures 
feruing for the vfe of man, though man hath not vfed a 
fifth part of the fame, which the more doth aggrauate the 
fault and foolifh flouth in many of our nation, chufing 
rather to Hue indirectly, and very miferably to Hue & 

die 



Captain Edward Haies. 137 



die within this realme peftered with inhabitants, then to 
aduenture as becommeth men, to obtaine an habitation 
in thofe remote lands, in which Nature very prodigally 
doth minifter vnto mens endeuours and for art to worke 
vpon. 

For belides thefe alreadie recounted and infinite moe, 
the mountaines generally make fhew of minerall fubffcance: 
Iron very common, lead, and fomewhere copper. I will not 
auerre of richer mettals : albeit by the circumftances follow- 
ing, more then hope may be conceiued thereof. 

For amongfl other charges giuen to inquire out the Angu- 
larities of this countrey, the Generall was moft curious in 
the fearch of mettals, commanding the minerall man and 
refiner, efpecially to be diligent. The fame was a Saxon 
borne, honeft and religious, named Daniel. Who after 
fearch brought at firft. fome fort of Ore, feeming rather to 
be yron then other mettall. The next time he found Ore, 
which with no fmall fhew of contentment he deliuered vnto 
the General vfing proteftation, that if filuer were the thing 
which might fatisfie the Generall & his followers, there it 
was, aduifing him to feeke no further : the perill whereof he 
vndertooke vpon his life, as deare vnto him as the Crowne 
of England vnto her Maieffie, that I may vfe his owne 
words, if it fell not out accordingly. 

My felfe at this inftant liker to die then to Hue, by a 
mifchance, could not follow this confident opinion of our 
refiner to my owne fatisfaction : but afterward demanding 
our Generals opinion therein, and to haue fome part of the 
Ore, he replied : Content your felfe, I haue feene ynough, 
and were it but to fatisfie my priuate humor, I would pro- 

18 ceede 



138 



A Narrative by 



ceede no further. The promife vnto my friends, and necef- 
fitie to bring alfo the South countries within compaffe of 
my Patent neere expired, as we haue alreadie done thefe 
North parts, do only perfvvade me further. And touching 
the Ore, I haue fent it aboord, whereof I would haue no 
fpeech to be made fo long as we remaine within harbor: 
here being both Portugals, Bifcains and Frenchmen not 
farre off, from whom muft be kept any bruit or muttering 
of fuch matter. When we are at fea proofe mail be made : 
if it be to our defire, we may returne the fooner hither 
againe. Whofe anfwere I iudged reafonable, and content- 
ing me well : wherewith I will conclude this narration and 
difcription of the Newfound land, and proceede to the reft 
of our voyage, which ended tragically. 

While the better fort of vs were ferioufly occupied in 
repairing our wants and contriuing of matters for the com- 
moditie of our voyage : others of another fort & difpofition 
were plotting of mifchiefe. Some calling to fteale away our 
fhipping by night, watching oportunitie by the Generals and 
Captaines lying on the more: whofe confpiracies difcouered, 
they were preuented. Others drew togither in company, 
and carried away out of the harbors adioyning, a fliip laden 
with fifh, fetting the poore men on more. A great many 
more of our people ftole into the woods to hide themfelues, 
attending time and meanes to returne home by fuch fhip- 
ping as daily departed from the coaft. Some were ficke of 
fluxes, and many dead: and in briefe, by one meanes or 
other our company was diminifhed, and many by the Gen- 
erall licenced to returne home. Infomuch as after we had 
reuiewed our people, refolued to fee an end of our voyage, 

we 



Captain Edward Hazes. 139 



we grewe fcant of men to furnifh all our fhipping: it feemed 
good therefore vnto the Generall to leaue the Swallow with 
fuch prouifion as might be fpared for tranfporting home the 
ficke people. 

The Captain of the Delight or Admirall returned into 
England, in whofe ftead was appointed Captaine Maurice 
Browne, before Captaine of the Swallow: who alfo brought 
with him into the Delight all his men of the Swallow, 
which before haue bene noted of outrage perpetrated and 
committed vpon fifhermen there met at fea. 

The Generall made choife to goe in his frigate the 
Squirrell whereof the Captaine alfo was amongft them that 
returned into England, the fame Frigate being moft con- 
uenient to difcouer vpon the coaft, and to fearch into euery 
harbor or creeke, which a great fhip could not doe. There- 
fore the Frigate was prepared with her nettings & fights, 
and ouercharged with bafes and fuch fmall Ordinance, more 
to giue a fhew, then with iudgement to forefee vnto the 
fafetie of her and the men, which afterward was an occafion 
alfo of their ouerthrow. 

Now hauing made readie our fhipping, that is to fay, the 
Delight, the golden Hinde, and the Squirrell, and put 
aboord our prouifion, which was wines, bread or rufke, fifh 
wette and drie, fweete oiles : befides many other, as marma- 
lades, figs, lymmons barrelled, and fuch like : Alfo we had 
other neceffary prouifions for trimming our mips, nets and 
lines to fifh withall, boates or pinneffes fit for difcouery. 
In briefe, we were fupplied of our wants commodioufly, as 
if we had bene in a Countrey or fome Citie populous and 
plentifull of all things. 

We 



140 A Narrative by 



We departed from this harbour of S. Johns vpon Tuefday 
the twentieth of Auguft, which we found by exact obferua- 
tion to be in 47 degrees 40 minutes. And the next day 
by night, we were at Cape Race, 25 leagues from the fame 
harborough. 

This Cape lyeth South South weft from S. Johns : it is a 
low land, being off from the Cape about halfe a league : 
within the fea rifeth vp a rocke againft the point of the 
Cape, which thereby is eafily knowen : It is in latitude 46 
degrees 25 minutes. 

Vnder this cape we were becalmed a fmall time, during 
which we layd out hookes and lines to take Codde, and 
drew, in leffe then two houres, fifh fo large and in fuch 
abundance, that many dayes after we fed vpon no other 
prouifion. 

From hence we fhaped our courfe vnto the Ifland of 
Sablon, if conueniently it would fo fall out, alfo directly to 
Cape Briton. 

Sablon lieth to the fea- ward of Cape Briton about 25 
leagues, whither we were determined to goe vpon intelli- 
gence we had of a Portugal, during our abode in S. Johns, 
who was himfelfe prefent, when the Portugals, aboue thirty 
yeeres part, did put into the fame Ifland both Neat and 
Swine to breede, which were lince exceedingly multiplied. 
This feemed vnto vs very happy tidings, to haue in an 
Ifland lying fo neere vnto the maine, which we intended to 
plant vpon, fuch flore of cattell, whereby we might at all 
times conueniently be relieued of vicluall, and ferued of 
flore to breed. 

In this courfe we trended along the coaft, which from 

Cape 



Captain Edward Hates. 141 



Cape Race ftretcheth into the Northweft, making a bay 
which fome called Trepaffa. Then it goeth out againe 
toward the Weft, and maketh a point, which with Cape 
Race lieth in maner Earl: and Weft. But this point in- 
clineth to the North : to the Weft of which goeth in the 
bay of Placentia. We fent men on land to take view of the 
foyle along this coaft, whereof they made good report, and 
fome of them had wil to be planted there. They faw Peafe 
growing in great abundance euerywhere. 

The diftance betweene Cape Race and Cape Briton is 
87 leagues. In which Nauigation we fpent 8 dayes, hauing 
many times the wind indifferent good : yet could we neuer 
attaine fight of any land all that time, feeing we were hin- 
dred by the current. At laft we fell into fuch flats and 
dangers, that hardly any of vs efcaped: where neuertheleffe 
we loft our Admiral with al the men and prouifion, not 
knowing certainly the place. Yet for inducing men of 
{kill to make conieclure, by our courfe and way we held 
from Cape Race thither, that thereby the flats and dangers 
may be inferted in fea Cards, for warning to others that may 
follow the fame courfe hereafter, I haue fet downe the beft 
reckonings that were kept by expert men, William Cox 
Mafter of the Hind, and John Paul his mate, both of 
Limehoufe. 



Reckonings 



142 



A Narrative by 



Reckonings kept in our courfe from Cape Race towards Cape 
Briton, and the JJland of Sablon, to the time and place 
where we lofi our AdmiralL 



Auguft 22. 



Auguft 29. 



Weft 14. leagues. 
Weft and by South, 25. 

Weftnorthweft, 25. 

Weftnorthweft, 9. 

Southfouthweft, 10. 

South weft, 12. 

Southfouthweft, 10. 

Weftnorthweft, 12, 



Here we loft our Ad- 
miral. 



Summe of thefe leagues, 117. 



The reckoning of John Paul Mafters, mate from Cape Race. 

leagues. 



Auguft 22. 


Weft, 




23 


Northweft and by Weft, 


9- 


24 


Southweft and by South, 


5- 


25 


Weft and by South, 


4a 


26 


Weft and by North, 


7- 


27 • 


Southweft, 


3- 


28 


Southweft, 


9. 




Southweft, 


7. 




Weftfouthweft, 


7- 


29 


Northweft and by Weft, 


20. 



Here we loft our 
Admirall. 



Summe of all thefe leagues, 121, 



Our 



Captain Edward Hazes. 143 



Our courfe we held in clearing vs of thefe flats was Eaft- 
foutheaft, and Southeaft, and South 14 leagues with a 
marueilous fcant winde. 

The maner how our Admirall was loft. 

Vpon Tewfday the 27 of Auguft, toward the euening, our 
Generall caufed them in his frigat to found, who found 
white fande at 35 fadome, being then in latitude about 
44 degrees. 

Wednefday toward night the wind came South, and wee 
bare with the land all that night, Weftnorthweft, contrary 
to the mind of mailer Cox : neuertheleffe wee followed the 
Admirall, depriued of power to preuent a mifchiefe, which 
by no contradiction could be brought to hold other courfe, 
alleaging they could not .make the fhip to worke better, nor 
to lie otherwaies. 

The euening was faire and pleafant, yet not without 
token of ftorme to enfue, and mo ft part of this Wednefday 
night, like the Swanne that fingeth before her death, they 
in the Admiral, or Delight, continued in founding of Trum- 
pets, with Drummes, and Fifes : alfo winding the Cornets, 
Haught boyes: and in the end of their iolitie, left with the 
battell and ringing of dolefull knels. 

Toward the euening alfo we caught in the Golden Hinde 
a very mighty Porpofe, with a harping yron, hauing firft 
ftriken diuers of them, and brought away part of their flefh 
flicking vpon the yron, but could recouer onely that one. 
Thefe alfo pafling through the Ocean, in heardes, did por- 
tend ftorme. I omit to recite friuolous reportes by them 

in 



144 



A Narrative by 



in the Frigat, of ftrange voyces, the fame night, which 
fcarred fome from the helme. 

Thurfday the 29 of Auguft, the wind rofe, and blew vehe- 
mently at South and by Eaft, bringing withal raine, and 
thicke mift, fo that we could not fee a cable length before 
vs. And betimes in the morning we were altogether runne 
and folded in amongffc flats and fands, amongft which we 
found fhoale and deepe in euery three or foure fhippes 
length, after wee began to found : but firft we were vpon 
them vnawares, vntill mafter Cox, looking out, difcerned in 
his iudgement, white cliff es, crying land with all, though we 
could not afterward defcrie any land, it being very likely 
the breaking of the fea white, which feemed to be white 
cliffes, through the haze and thicke weather. 

Immediatly tokens were giuen vnto the Delight, to caft 
about to feaward, which, being the greater fhip, and of 
burden 120 tunnes, was yet formoft vpon the breach, 
keeping fo ill watch, that they knew not the danger, before 
they felt the fame, too late to recouer it : for prefently the 
Admirall ftrooke a ground, and had foone after her fterne 
and hinder partes beaten in pieces: whereupon the reft, 
that is to fay, the Frigat in which was the Generall and the 
Golden Hinde, caft about Eaftfoutheaft, bearing to the 
South, euen for our Hues into the windes eye, becaufe that 
way caried vs to the feaward. Making out from this dan- 
ger, wee founded one while feuen fadome, then flue fadome, 
then foure fadome and leffe, againe deeper, immediatly 
foure fadome, then but three fadome, the fea going mightily 
and high. At laft. we recouered, God be thanked, in fome 
defpaire, to fea roome enough. 

In 



Captain Edward Haies. 



145 



In this diftreffe, wee had vigilant eye vnto the Admirall, 
whom wee fawe caffc away, without power to giue the men 
fuccour, neither could we efpie any of the men that leaped 
ouerboord to faue themfelues, either in the fame Pinneffe 
or Cocke, or vpon rafters, and fuch like meanes, prefenting 
themfelues to men in thofe extremities : for we defired to 
faue the men by euery poffible meanes. But all in vaine, 
fith God had determined their ruine : yet all that day, and 
part of the next, we beat vp and downe as neere vnto the 
wracke as was poffible for vs, looking out, if by good hap 
we might efpie any of them. 

This was a heauy and grieuous euent, to lofe at one blow 
our chiefe fhippe fraighted with great prouifion, gathered 
together with much trauell, care, long time, and difficultie. 
But more was the loffe of our men, which perifhed almoft 
to the number of a hundredth foules. Amongft whom was 
drowned a learned man, an Hungarian, borne in the citie 
of Budha, called thereof Budaeus, who of pietie and zeale 
to good attempts, aduentured in this action, minding to 
record in the Latine tongue, the gefts and things worthy 
of remembrance, happening in this difcouerie to the honour 
of our nation, the fame being adorned with the eloquent 
ftile of this Orator, and rare Poet of our time. 

Here alfo perifhed our Saxon Refiner and Difcouerer of 
ineftimable riches, as it was left amongfl fome of vs in 
vndoubted hope. 

No leffe heauy was the loffe of the Captaine Maurice 
Browne, a vertuous, honeft, and difcreete Gentleman, ouer- 
feene onely in liberty giuen late before to men, that ought 
to haue bene reftrained, who mewed himfelfe a man re- 

19 folued, 



146 



A Narrative by 



folued, and neuer vnprepared for death, as by his laft act 
of this tragedie appeared, by report of them that efcaped 
this wracke miraculoufly, as mail bee hereafter declared. 
For when all hope was paft of recovering the fhip, and 
that men began to giue ouer, and to faue themfelues, the 
Captaine was aduifed before to fhift alfo for his life, by the 
Pinneffe at the fterne of the fhip : but refilling that counfell, 
he would not giue example with the firft to leaue the fhippe, 
but vfed all meanes to exhort his people not to defpaire, 
nor fo to leaue off their labour, choofing rather to die, 
then to incurre infamie, by forfaking his charge, which then 
might be thought to haue perifhed through his default, 
mewing an ill prefident vnto his men by leauing the fhip 
firfl: himfelfe. With this mind hee mounted vpon the 
higheft decke, where hee attended imminent death, and 
vnavoidable : how long, I leaue it to God, who withdraweth 
not his comfort from his feruants at fuch times. 

In the meane feafon, certaine, to the number of fourteene 
perfons, leaped into a fmall Pinneffe, the bignes of a 
Thames barge, which was made in the New found land, cut 
off the rope wherewith it was towed, and committed them- 
felues to Gods mercy, amiddeft the ftorme, and rage of fea 
and windes, deftitute of foode, not fo much as a droppe 
of frefti water. The boate feeming ouercharged in foule 
weather with company, Edward Headly a valiant fouldier, 
and well reputed of his companie, preferring the greater to 
the leffer, thought better that fome of them perifhed then 
all, made this motion to caff- lots, and them to bee throwen 
ouerboord vpon whom the lots fell, thereby to lighten the 
boate, which otherwayes feemed impoffible to liue, offred 

himfelfe 



Captain Edward Hazes. 



H7 



himfelfe with the firfl, content to take his aduenture gladly: 
which neuertheles Richard Clarke, that was M after of the 
Admirall, and one of this number, refufed, aduifing to abide 
Gods pleafure, who was able to faue all, as well as a few. 

The boat was caried before the wind, continuing fixe 
dayes and nights in the Ocean, and arriued at laft with the 
men, aliue, but weake, vpon the New found land, fauing 
that the forefayd Headly, who had bene late ficke, and 
another called of vs Brafile, of his trauell into thofe Coun- 
treys, died by the way, famifhed, and leffe able to holde out, 
then thofe of better health. For fuch was thefe poore 
mens extremitie, in cold and wet, to haue no better fufte- 
nance then their owne veine, for fixe dayes together. 

Thus whom God deliuered from drowning, hee appointed 
to bee famifhed, who doth giue limits to mans times, and 
ordaineth the manner and circumftance of dying : whom 
againe he will preferue, neither Sea nor famine can con- 
found. For thofe that arriued vpon the Newe found land, 
were brought into France by certaine French men, then 
being vpon that coaft. 

After this heauie chance, wee continued in beating the 
fea vp and downe, expecting when the weather would cleere 
up, that we might yet beare in with the land, which we 
iudged not farre off, either the continent or fome Ifland. 
For we many times, and in fundry places found ground at 
50, 45, 40 fadomes, and leffe. The ground comming vpon 
our lead, being fometimes oazie land, and otherwhile a 
broad fhell, with a little fand about it. 

Our people loft courage dayly after this ill succeffe, the 
weather continuing thicke and bluftering, with increafe of 

cold. 



A Narrative by 



cold. Winter drawing on, which tooke from them all hope 
of amendment, fetling an affurance of worfe weather to 
growe vpon vs euery day. The Leefide of vs lay full of 
flats and dangers ineuitable, if the wind blew hard at South. 
Some againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of 
S. Laurence, the coaft full of dangers, and vnto vs vn- 
knowen. But aboue all, prouifion waxed fcant, and hope 
of fupply was gone, with loffe of our Admirall. 

Thofe in the Frigat were already pinched with fpare 
allowance, and want of clothes chiefly. Whereupon they 
befought the Generall to returne for England, before 
they all perifhed. And to them of the Golden Hinde, 
they made fignes of their diftreffe, pointing to their mouthes, 
and to their clothes thinne and ragged: then immediately 
they alfo of the Golden Hinde, grew to be of the fame 
opinion and defire to returne home. 

The former reafons hauing alfo moued the Generall to 
haue companion of his poore men, in whom he faw no 
want of good will, but of meanes fit to performe the action 
they came for, refolued vpon retire: and calling the Cap- 
taine and Mafter of the Hinde, he yeelded them many 
reafons, inforcing this vnexpected returne, withall protefting 
himfelfe greatly fatisfied with that hee had feene, and knew 
already. 

Reiterating thefe words, Be content, we haue feene 
enough, and take no care of expence part : I will fet you 
foorth royally the next Spring, if God fend vs fafe home. 
Therefore I pray you let vs no longer flriue here, where 
we fight againfl the elements. 

Omitting circumftance, how vnwillingly the Captaine & 

Mailer 



Captain Edward Hazes. 149 



Mailer of the Hinde condefceded to this motion, his owne 
company can teftifie : yet comforted with the Generals 
promifes of a fpeedie returne , a at Spring, and induced by 
other apparant reafons, prouing an impoffibilitie, to accom- 
plish the action at that time, it was concluded on all hands 
to retire. 

So vpon Saturday in the afternoone the 31 of Auguft, we 
changed our courfe, and returned backe for England, at 
which very inftant, euen in winding about, there paffed 
along betweene vs and towards the land which we now 
forfooke a very lion to our Teeming, in fhape, hair and 
colour, not fwimming after the maner of a beaft by moouing 
of his feete, but rather Aiding vpon the water with his 
whole body, excepting the legs, in fight, neither yet diuing 
vnder, and againe rifing aboue the water, as the maner is, 
of Whales, Dolphins, Tunife, Porpofes, and all other fifh : 
but confidently fhewing himfelfe aboue water without hid- 
ing: Notwithftanding, we prefented ourfelues in open 
view and gefture to amafe him, as all creatures will be 
commonly at a fudden gaze and fight of men. Thus he 
paffed along turning his head to and fro, yawning and 
gaping wide, with ougly demonftration of long teeth, and 
glaring eies, and to bidde vs a farewell, comming right 
againn 1 the Hinde, he fent forth a horrible voyce, roaring 
or bellowing as doth a lion, which fpectacle wee all beheld 
fo farre as we were able to difcerne the fame, as men prone 
to wonder at euery ftrange thing, as this doubtleffe was, 
to fee a lion in the Ocean fea, or fifh in fhape of a lion. 
What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the Generall 
himfelfe, I forbeare to deliuer : But he tooke it for Bonum 

Omen, 



A Narrative by 



Omen, reioycing that he was to warre againft fuch an 
enemie, if it were the deuill. 

The wind was large for England at our returne, but very 
high, and the fea rough, infomuch as the Frigat wherein 
the Generall went was almoft fwalowed vp. 

Munday in the afternoone we paffed in the fight of Cape 
Race, hauing made as much way in little more then two 
dayes and nights backe againe, as before wee had done in 
eight dayes from Cape Race, vnto the place where our fhip 
perifhed. Which hindrance thitherward, and fpeed back 
againe, is to be imputed vnto the fwift current, as well as 
to the winds, which we had more large in our returne. 

This Munday the Generall came aboord the Hind to 
haue the Surgeon of the Hind to dreffe his foote, which he 
hurt by treading vpon a naile: At which time we comforted 
ech other with hope of hard fucceffe to be all paft, and of 
the good to come. So agreeing to cary out lights alwayes 
by night, that we might keepe together, he departed into 
his Frigat, being by no meanes to be intreated to tarie in 
the Hind, which had bene more for his fecurity. Immedi- 
ately after followed a fharpe ftorme, which we ouerpaffed 
for that time. Prayfed be God. 

The weather faire, the Generall came aboord the Hind 
againe, to make merrie together with the Captaine, Mafter 
and company, which was the laft meeting, and continued 
there from morning vntill night. During which time there 
paffed fundry difcourfes, touching affaires paft, and to 
come, lamenting greatly the loffe of his great fhip, more of 
the men, but moft of all of his bookes and notes, and what 
els I know not, for which hee was out of meafure grieued, 

the 



Captain Edward Hazes. 1 5 1 



the fame doubtles being fome matter of more importance 
then his bookes, which I could not draw from him: yet 
by circumffcance I gathered the fame to be y e Ore which 
Daniel the Saxon had brought vnto him in the New found 
land. Whatfoeuer it was, the remembrance touched him 
fo deepe, as not able to containe himfelfe, he beat his boy 
in great rage, euen at the fame time, fo long after the mif- 
carrying of the great fhip, becaufe vpon a faire day, when 
wee were becalmed vpon the coaft. of the New found land, 
neere vnto Cape Race, he fent his boy aboord the Admirall, 
to fetch certaine things: amongfl: which, this being chief e, 
was yet forgotten and left behind. After which time he 
could neuer conueniently fend againe aboord the great fhip, 
much leffe hee doubted her ruine fo neere at hand. 

Herein my opinion was better confirmed diuerfly and by 
fundry coniectures, which maketh me haue the greater hope 
of this rich Mine. For where as the Generall had neuer 
before good conceit of thefe North parts of the world : now 
his mind was wholly fixed vpon the New found land. And 
as before he refufed not to grant aflignements liberally to 
them that required the fame into thefe North parts, now he 
became contrarily affected, refufing to make any fo large 
grants, efpecially of S. Johns, which certaine Englifh mer- 
chants made fuite for, offering to imploy their money and 
trauell vpon the fame: yet neither by their owne fuite, nor 
of others of his owne company, whom he feemed willing to 
pleafure, it could be obtained. 

Alfo laying downe his determination in the Spring fol- 
lowing, for difpofing of his voyage then to be reattempted: 
he affigned the Captaine & Mafter of the Golden Hind, 

vnto 



152 



A Narrative by 



vnto the South difcouery, and referued vnto himfelfe the 
North, affirming that this voyage had wonne his heart from 
the South, and that he was now become a Northerne man 
altogether. 

Laft, being demanded what means he had at his arriuall 
in England, to compaffe the charges of fo great preparation 
as he intended to make the next Spring : hauing deter- 
mined vpon two fleetes, one for the South, another for 
the North : Leaue that to mee, hee replied. I will afke a 
pennie of no man. I will bring good tidings vnto her 
Maiefty, who wil be fo gracious, to lend me ioooo pounds, 
willing vs therefore to be of good cheere : for he did thanke 
God, he fayd, with al his heart, for that he had feene, the 
fame being enough for vs all, and that we needed not to 
feeke any further. And thefe laft words he would often 
repeate, with demonftration of great feruencie of mind, 
being himfelfe very confident, and fetled in beliefe of ines- 
timable good by this voyage: which the greater number 
of his followers neuertheles miftrufted altogether, not being 
made partakers of thofe fecrets, which the Generall kept 
vnto himfelfe. Yet all of them that are liuing, may be 
witnefTes of his words and protections, which fparingly I 
haue deliuered. 

Leauing the iffue of this good hope vnto God, who know- 
eth the trueth only, & can at his good pleafure bring the 
fame to light: I will haflen to the end of this tragedie, 
which muffc be knit vp in the perfon of our Generall. And 
as it was Gods ordinance vpon him, euen fo the vehement 
perfwafion and intreatie of his friends could nothing auaile, 
to diuert him from a wilfull refolution of going through in 

his 



Captain Edward Hates. 153 



his Frigat, which was ouercharged vpon their deckes, with 
fights, nettings, and fmall artillerie, too cumberfome for fo 
fmall a boate, that was to paffe through the Ocean Tea at 
that feafon of the yere, when by courfe we might expect 
much florme of foule weather, whereof indeed we had 
enough. 

But when he was intreated by the Captaine, Matter, and 
others his well willers of the Hinde, not to venture in the 
Frigat, this was his anfwere : I will not forfake my little 
company going homeward, with whom I haue paffed fo 
many ftormes and perils. And in very trueth, hee was 
vrged to be fo ouer hard, by hard reports giuen of him, 
that he was afraid of the fea, albeit this was rather rafhnes, 
then aduifed refolution, to preferre the wind of a vaine 
report to the weight of his owne life. 

Seeing he would not bend to reafon, he had prouifion 
out of the Hinde, fuch as was wanting aboord his Frigat. 
And fo we committed him to Gods protection, & fet him 
aboord his Pinneffe, we being more then 300 leagues on- 
ward of our way home. 

By that time we had brought the Iflands of Acores South 
of vs, yet wee then keeping much to the North, vntill we 
had got into the height and eleuation of England : we met 
with very foule weather, and terrible feas, breaking fhort 
and high Pyramid wife. The reafon whereof feemed to 
proceede either of hilly grounds high and low within the 
fea, as we fee hilles and dales vpon the land, vpon which 
the feas doe mount and fall : or elfe the caufe proceedeth 
of diuerfitie of winds, fhifting often in fundry points: al 
which hauing power to moue the great Ocean, which againe 

20 is 



154 



A Narrative by 



is not prefently fetled, fo many feas do encounter together, 
as there had bene diuerfitie of windes. Howfoeuer it 
commeth to pafle, men which all their life time had occu- 
pied the Sea, neuer faw more outragious Seas. We had 
alfo vpon our maine yard, an apparition of a little fire by 
night, which feamen doe call Caftor and Pollux. But we 
had onely one, which they take an euill figne of more 
tempefl: the fame is vfuall in ftormes. 

Munday the ninth of September, in the afternoone, the 
Frigat was neere call away, opprefied by wanes, yet at that 
time recouered: and giuing foorth fignes of ioy, the Gen- 
erall fitting abaft with a booke in his hand, cried out vnto 
vs in the Hind, fo oft as we did approch within hearing. 
We are as neere to heauen by fea as by land. Reiterating 
the fame fpeech, well befeeming a fouldier, refolute in Jefus 
Chrift, as I can teftifie he was. 

The fame Monday night, about twelue of the clocke, or 
not long after, the Frigat being ahead of vs in the Golden 
Hinde, fuddenly her lights were out, whereof as it were in 
a moment, we loft the fight, and withall our watch cryed, 
the Generall was call away, which was too true. For in 
that moment, the Frigat was deuoured and fwallowed vp 
of the Sea. Yet ftill we looked out all that night, and euer 
after, vntill wee arriued vpon the coaft of England: Omit- 
ting no fmall faile at fea, vnto which we gaue not the 
tokens betweene vs, agreed vpon, to haue perfect knowledge 
of each other, if we fhould at any time be feparated. 

In great torment of weather, and perill of drowning, it 
pleafed God to fend fafe home the Golden Hinde, which 
arriued in Falmouth, the 22 day of September, being Son- 
day, 



Captain Edward Haies. 155 

day, not without as great danger efcaped in a flaw, comming 
from the Southeaft, with fuch thicke mift, that we could not 
difcerne land, to put in right with the Hauen. 

From Falmouth we went to Dartmouth, & lay there at 
anker before the Range, while the captaine went aland, to 
enquire if there had bene any newes of the Frigat, which 
fayling well, might happily haue bene before vs. Alfo to 
certifie Sir John Gilbert, brother vnto the Generall of our 
hard fucceffe, whom the Captaine defired, while his men 
were yet aboord him, and were witneffes of all occurrents 
in that voyage. It might pleafe him to take the examina- 
tion of euery perfon particularly, in difcharge of his and 
their faithfull endeuour. Sir John Gilbert refufed fo to 
doe, holding himfelfe fatisfied with report made by the' 
Captaine: and not altogether difpairing of his brothers 
fafetie, offered friendfhip and curtefie to the Captaine and 
his company, requiring to haue his barke brought into the 
harbour : in furtherance whereof, a boate was fent to helpe 
to tow her in. 

Neuertheleffe, when the Captaine returned aboord his 
fhip, he found his men bent to depart, euery man to his 
home: and then the winde feruing to proceede higher 
vpon the coaft : they demanded money to carie them home, 
fome to London, others to Harwich, and elfewhere, if the 
barke mould be caried into Dartmouth, and they dif- 
charged, fo farre from home, or elfe to take benefite of the 
wind, then feruing to draw neerer home, which fhould be 
a leffe charge vnto the Captaine, and great eafe vnto the 
men, hauing els farre to goe. 

Reafon accompanied with neceflitie perfwaded the Cap- 
taine, 



156 



A Narrative by 



taine, who fent his lawfull excufe and caufe of his fudden 
departure vnto Sir John Gilbert, by the boate of Dart- 
mouth, and from thence the Golden Hind departed, and 
tooke harbour at Waimouth. Al the men tired with the 
tedioufnes of fo vnprofitable a voyage to their feeming : in 
which their long expence of time, much toyle and labour, 
hard diet and continuall hazard of life was vnrecompenfed : 
their Captaine neuertheleffe by his great charges, impaired 
greatly thereby, yet comforted in the goodnes of God, and 
his vndoubted prouidence following him in all that voyage, 
as it doth alwaies thofe at other times, whofoeuer haue 
confidence in him alone. Yet haue we more neere feeling 
and perfeuerance of his powerfull hand and protection, 
when God doth bring vs together with others into one 
fame peril, in which he leaueth them, and deliuereth vs, 
making vs thereby the beholders, but not partakers of their 
ruine. 

Euen fo, amongft very many difficulties, difcontentments, 
mutinies, confpiracies, fickneffes, mortalitie, fpoylings and 
wracks by fea, which were afflictions, more then in fo fmall 
a Fleete, or fo fhort a time may be fuppofed, albeit true in 
euery particularitie, as partly by the former relation may 
be collected, and fome I fuppreffed with filence for their 
fakes liuing, it pleafed God to fupport this company of 
which onely one man died of a maladie inueterate, and long 
infefted: the reft kept together in reafonable contentment 
and concord, beginning, continuing, and ending the voyage, 
which none els did accomplifh, either not pleafed with the 
action, or impatient of wants, or preuented by death. 

Thus haue I deliuered the contents of the enterprife and 

lafl 



Captain Edward Hates. 157 



laft a6lion of fir Humfrey Gilbert knight, faithfully, for fo 
much as I thought meete to be published : wherein may 
alwaies appeare, though he be extinguished, fome fparkes 
of his vertues, he remaining firme and refolute in a purpofe 
by all pretence honeft and godly, as was this, to difcouer, 
poffeffe, and to reduce vnto the feruice of God, and 
Chriftian pietie, thofe remote and heathen Countreys of 
America, not actually poffefTed by Chriftians, and mofl 
rightly appertaining vnto the Crowne of England: vnto 
the which, as his zeale deferueth high commendation: euen 
fo, he may iuftly be taxed of temeritie and prefumption 
rather in two refpecls. 

Firfb, when yet there was onely probabilitie, not a certaine 
& determinate place of habitation felected, neither any 
demonftration of commoditie there in effe, to induce his 
followers : neuertheles, he both was too prodigall of his 
owne patrimony and too careles of other mens expences, 
to imploy both his and their fubftance vpon a ground 
imagined good. The which falling, very like his affociates 
were promifed, and made it their beft reckoning to bee 
falued fome other way, which pleafed not God to profper 
in his firfl; and great preparation. 

Secondly, when by his former preparation he was en- 
feebled of abilitie and credit, to performe his defignements, 
as it were impatient to abide in expectation better oppor- 
tunitie and meanes, which God might raife, he thruft 
himfelfe againe into the action, for which he was not fit, 
prefuming the caufe pretended on Gods behalfe, would 
carie him to the defired ende. Into which, hauing thus 
made reentrie, he could not yeeld againe to withdraw, 

though 



158 A Narrative by Captain Haies, 



though hee fa we no encouragement to proceed, left his 
credit foyied in his fir ft attempt, in a fecond mould vtterly 
be difgraced. Betweene extremities, hee made a right 
aduenture, putting all to God and good fortune, and which 
was worft, refufed not to entertaine euery perfon and 
meanes whatfoeuer, to furnifh out this expedition, the 
fucceffe whereof hath bene declared. 

But fuch is the infinite bountie of God, who from euery 
euill deuifeth good. For befides that fruite may growe in 
time of our trauelling into thofe Xorthweft lands, the 
croffes, turmoiles, and afflictions, both in the preparation 
and execution of this voyage, did correct the intemperate 
humours, which before we noted to bee in this Gentleman, 
and made vnfavourie, and leffe delightfull his other mani- 
fold vertues. 

Then as he was refined, and made neerer drawing vnto 
the image of God : fo it pleafed the diuine will to refume 
him vnto himfelfe, whither both his, and euery other high 
and noble minde, haue alwayes afpired. 



A RELATION 

OF 

RICHARD CLARKE OF WEYMOUTH. 



A RELATION 



OF 

RICHARD CLARKE OF WEYMOUTH, 

MASTER OF THE SHIP CALLED THE DELIGHT, GOING FOR THE 

DISCOVERY OF NORUMBEGA 

WITH 

SIR HUMFREY GILBERT, 1583. 

Written in excu/e of that Fault of cafting away the Ship and 
men y imputed to his ouerfight. 

EPARTING out of Saint Iohns Harborough in 
the Newfound land the 20. of Auguft vnto Cape 
Raz, from thence we directed our courfe vnto 
the He of Sablon or the Ifle of Sand, which the 
Generall Sir Humfrey Gilbert would willingly 
haue feene. But when we came within twentie leagues of 
the Ifle of Sablon, we fell to controuerfie of our courfe. 
The Generall came vp in his Frigot. and demanded of mee 
Richard Clarke mafter of the Admirall what courfe was beft 
to keepe : I faid that Weftfouthweft was beft : becaufe the 
wind was at South and night at hand and vnknowen fands 
lay off a great way from the land. The Generall com- 

21 manded 




l62 



A Relation of 



manded me to go Weftnorthweft. I told him againe that 
the Ifle of Sablon was Weftnorthweft and but 15. leagues 
off, and that he mould be vpon the Ifland before day, if hee 
went that courfe. The Generall fayd, my reckoning was vn- 
true, and charged me in her Maiefties name, and as I would 
fhewe myfelfe in her Countrey to follow him that night. I 
fearing his threatenings, becaufe he prefented her Maiefties 
perfon, did follow his commaundement, and about feuen of 
the clocke in the morning the fhip ftroke on ground, where 
£hee was caft away. 

Then the Generall went off to Sea, the courfe that I 
would haue had them gone before, and faw the fhip caft away 
men and all, and was not able to faue a man, for there was 
not water vpon the fand for either of them much leffe for 
the Admirall, that drew fourteen foote. Now as God would 
the day before it was very calme, and a Souldier of the fhip 
had killed fome foule with his piece, and fome of the com- 
pany defired me that they might hoyfe out the boat to 
recouer the foule, which I granted them : and when they 
came aboord they did not hoyfe it in againe that night. 
And whe the fhip was caft away the boate was a fterne 
being in burthen one tunne and an halfe : there was left in 
the boats one oare and nothing els. Some of the com- 
pany could fwimme, and recouered the boate and did hale 
in out of the water as many men as they coulde : among the 
reft they had a care to watch for the Captaine or the Mafter : 
They happened on my felfe being the Mafter, but could 
neuer fee the Captaine: Then they hailed into the boate as 
many men as they could in number 16. whofe names hereaf- 
ter I will rehearfe. 

And 



Richard Clarke. 



163 



And when the 16. were in the boate, fome had fmall 
remembrance, and fome had none : for they did not make 
account to Hue, but to prolong their Hues as long as it 
pleafed God, and looked euery moment of an houre when 
the Sea would eate them vp, the boate being fo little and 
fo many men in her, and fo foule weather, that it was 
not poffible for a flaippe to brooke halfe a coarfe of 
fayle. 

Thus while wee remayned two dayes and two nights, and 
that wee faw it pleafed God our boate liued in the Sea, al- 
though we had nothing to helpe vs withall but one oare, 
which we kept vp the boate withall upon the Sea, and fo 
went euen as the Sea would driue vs ; there was in our com- 
pany one matter Hedly that put foorth this queftion to me 
the Matter, I doe fee that it doth pleafe God, that our boate 
lyueth in the Sea, and it may pleafe God that fome of vs 
may come to the land if our boate were not ouerladen. Let 
vs make fixteene lots, and thofe foure that haue the foure 
fhorteft lots we will caft ouerboord preferuing the Matter 
among vs all. I replied vnto him, faying, no, we will Hue 
and die together. Matter Hedly afked me if my remem- 
brance were good: I anfwered I gaue God Prayfe it was 
good, and knewe how farre I was off the land, and was in 
hope to come to the land within two or three dayes, and 
fayde they were but threefcore leagues from the lande, when 
they were feuenties ; all to put them in comfort. 

Thus we continued the third and fourth day without any 
fuftenance, faue onely the weedes that fwamme in the Sea, 
and fait water to drinke. The fifth day Hedly dyed and an- 
other moreouer: then wee defired all to die; for in all thefe 

fiue 



164 



A Relation of 



fiue dayes and flue nights we faw the Sunne but once and 
the Starre but one night; it was fo foule weather. Thus 
we did remaine the fixt day : then we were very weake and 
wifhed all to die fauing onely my felfe, which did comfort 
them and promifed they mould come foone to land by the 
helpe of God : but the company were very importunate, and 
were in doubt they mould neuer come to land, but that I 
promifed them that the feuenth day they mould come to 
more, or els they mould can 1 me ouer boord : which did hap- 
pen true the feuenth day, for at eleuen of the clocke wee had 
fight of the land, and at 3. of the clocke at afternoone we 
came on land. 

All thefe feuen dayes and feuen nights, the wind kept con- 
tinually South. If the wind had in the meane time fhifted 
vpon any other point, wee had neuer come to land : we 
were no fooner come to the land, but the wind came cleane 
contrary at North within halfe an houre after our arriuall. 
But we were fo weake that one could fcarcely helpe another 
of vs out of the boate, Yet with much adoe being all come on 
fhore we kneeled downe vpon our knees and gaue God praife 
that he had dealt fo mercifully with vs. Afterwards thofe 
which were flrongeft holpe their fellowes vnto afrefh brooke, 
where we fatisfied our felues with water and berries very well. 
There were of al forts of berries plentie, & as goodly a 
Countrey as euer I faw : we found a very faire plaine Cham- 
pion ground that a man might fee very farre euery way: 
by the Sea fide was here and there a little wood with goodly 
trees as good as euer I faw any in Norway, able to mail any 
fhippe, of pyne trees, fprufe trees, firre, and very great birche 
trees. 

Where 



Richard Clarke. 



i6 5 



Where we came on land we made a little houfe with 
boughes, where we refted all that night. In the morning I 
deuided the company three and three to goe euery way to 
fee what foode they could find to fuftaine themfelues, and 
appointed them to meete there all againe at noone with fuch 
foode as they could get. As we went aboord we found 
great ftore of peafon as good as any wee haue in England : 
a man would thinke they had bene fowed there. We 
relied there three dayes and three nights and liued very 
well with peafe and berries, wee named the place Saint 
Laurence, becaufe it was a very goodly riuer like the riuer 
of S. Laurence in Canada, and we found it very full of 
Salmons. 

When wee had well refted our felues wee rowed our boate 
along the more, thinking to haue gone to the Grande Bay to 
haue come home with fome Spanyards which are yeerely 
there to kill the Whale : And when we were hungry or a 
thirft we put our boate on land and gathered peafe and ber- 
ries. Thus wee rowed our boate along the more flue dayes : 
about which time we came to a very goodly riuer that ranne 
farre vp into the Countrey. and faw very goodly growen 
trees of all fortes. 

There we happened vpon a fhip of Saint Iohn de Luz, 
which fhip brought vs into Bifkay to an Harborough called 
The Paffage, The Mafter of the fhippe was our great friend 
or elfe we had bene put to death if he had not kept our 
counfayle. For when the vifitors came aboord, as it is the 
order in Spaine, they demaunding what we were, he fayd we 
were poore fifhermen that had caft away our fhip in Newfound 
land, and fo the vifitors inquired no more of the matter at 

that 



1 66 A Relation of Richard Clarke. 



that time. Aflbone as night was come, he put vs on land 
and bad vs fhift for our felues. Then had wee but tenne or 
twelue miles into France, which we went that night, and 
then cared not for the Spanyard. And fo fhortly after we 
came into England toward the end of the yeere 1583. 



LETTER 

or 

STEPHEN PARMENIVS 

TO 

RICHARD HAKLUYT. 



LETTER 

OF 

STEPHEN PARMENIVS 

TO 

RICHARD HAKLUYT. 

Written in the Port of Saint Johns, Newfoundland the Sixth 
day of A ugujl, 1583. 

To the Worshipful Master Richard Hakluyt at Ox- 
ford, in Christchurch, Master of Arts, and Phil- 

OSOPHIE, HIS FRIEND AND BROTHER. 1 

HAD not purpofed to write vnto you, when the 
promife of your letters came to my mind : You 
thought in June laft to have followed vs your- 
felfe, and therefore I had left order that you 
mould be advertifed of my ftate, by Mafter 
Doctor Humfrey : but fo you would not be fatisfied : I will 
write therefore to you almoft in the fame words, becaufe I 

have 

1 Stephen Parmenius, the writer of In 1583 it was under the dominion of 
this letter, was a Hungarian, a native Turkey, and Parmenius doubtlefs found 
of Buda, a city fituated on the weftern the atmofphere of England far more 
fhore of the Danube oppofite Pefth. congenial. He was a fcholar and a 

22 




170 Letter of 

have no leifure at this time, to meditate new matters and 
to vary or multiply words. 

The 11. of June we fet faile at length from England in 
good earneft, and departed, leauing the hauen and land be- 
hind vs at Plimmouth : our Fleete confifted of flue fhippes : 
the greater!:, which the Admiral's brother had lent vs, with- 
drew herfelf from vs the third day, we know not upon what 
occafion : with the reft we failed ftill together till the 23. of 
July : at which time our view of oneanother being inter- 
cepted by the great milts, fome of vs failed one way, and 
fome another: to vs alone the firft land appeared, the firffc 
of Auguft, about the latitude of 50. degrees, when as before 
we had defcended beyond 41. degrees in hope of fome 
Southerly windes, which notwithftanding neuer blew to us 
at any fit time. 

It is an Ifland which your men call Penguin, becaufe of 
the multitude of birdes of the fame name. Yet wee neither 
fa we any birds, nor drewe neere to the land, the winds feruing 
for our courfe directed to another place, but wee mette al- 
together at that place a little before the Hauen, whereunto 

by 

man of literary tafles. Captain Haies onization, it feems to have been under- 
calls him a "learned man," an "orator," flood that Parmenius was to be its 
and a "poet." An intimate friendfhip hiftorian, and this letter was apparently 
had fprung up between him and Richard an inftalment of the complete work 
Hakluit, then a young man, about thirty which he intended to prefent on his 
years of age, a refident of Oxford, return to England. He undoubtedly 
who had the year before publifhed his wrote in Latin becaufe he was not fully 
firft work entitled Diners Voyages touch- mafter of the Englifh tongue. Hak- 
ing the Difcoverie of America and the luyt publifhed in his Voyages the origi- 
ijlands adjacent unto the Same. This nal letter in Latin, together with an 
was followed in after years by numerous Englifh tranflation, which we here pre- 
publications of a fimilar character for fent to the reader. Parmenius perifhed 
which the hiftorical ftudent is under in the wreck of the Delight, Auguft 29, 
lafting obligations. In joining this 1 583. 
expedition for weftern difcovery and col- 



Stephen Parmenivs. 



171 



by common Councell we had determined to come, and that 
within the fpace of two houres by the greate goodneffe of 
God, and to our great joy. The place is fituate in New- 
foundland, betweene 47. and 48. degrees called by the name 
of Saint Iohns: the Admirall himfelfe by reafon of the 
multitude of the men, and the fmalneffe of his fhip, had 
his company fomewhat fickly, and had already loft two of 
the fame company, which died of the Flixe : of the reft we 
conceiue good hope. Of our company, for I joined myfelfe 
with Maurice Browne, a very proper gentleman, two perfons 
by a mifchance were drowned, the reft are in fafetie, and 
ftrong, and for mine owne part I was neuer more healthy. 

We arrived at this place the third of Auguft: and the 
fift the Admiral took poffeflion of the Countrey, for himfelfe 
and the Kingdome of England : having made and publifhed 
certaine Lawes, concerning religion, and obedience to the 
Queene of England : at this time our fare is fomewhat bet- 
ter, and dantier, then it was before : for in good footh, the 
experience of fo long time hath taught vs what contrary 
winds wee haue found, and what greate trauell wee may en- 
dure hereafter : and therefore we will take fuch order, that 
wee will want nothing: for we found in this place about 
twenty Portugall and Spanifh fhippes, befides the fhippes 
of the Englifh : which being not able to match vs, Suffer 
vs not to bee hunger ftarued: the Englifh although they 
were of themfelues ftrong ynough, and fafe from our force, 
yet feeing our authoritie, by the Queenes letters patents, 
they fhewed vs all maner of duety and humanitie. 

The maner of this Countrey and people remaine now 
to be fpoken of. But what fhall I fay, my Good Hakluyt, 

when 



172 



Letter of 



when I fee nothing but a very wildernefle : Of fifh here is 
incredible abundance, whereby great gaine grows to them 
that trauell to thefe parts : the hooke is no fooner throwne 
out, but it is eftfoones drawne vp with fome goodly fifh : 
the whole land is full of hilles and woods. The trees for the 
moft part are Pynes and of them fome are very olde, and 
fome yong : a great part of them being fallen by reafon of 
their age, doth fo hinder the fight of the land, and ftoppe 
the way of thofe that feeke to trauell, that they can go no 
whither: all the graffe here is long, and tall and little dif- 
fereth from ours. It feemeth alfo that the nature of this 
foyle is fit for corne : for I found certaine blades and eares 
in a manner bearded, fo that it appeareth that by manuring 
and fowing, they may eafily be framed for the vfe of man : 
here are in the woods bum berries, or rather draw berries, 
growing vp like trees, of great fweetneffe. Beares alfo 
appeare about the fifhers ftages of the Countrey, and are 
fometimes killed, but they feem to bee white, as I con- 
jectured by their fkinnes and fomewhat leffe than ours. 

Whether there bee any people in the Countrey I knowe 
not, neither have I feene any to witneffe it. And to fay 
the trueth, who can, when as it is not poffible to pafs 
any whither. In like fort it is vnknowne, whither any 
mettals lye under the hilles : the caufe is all one, although 
the very colovr and hue of the hilles feeme to haue fome 
Mynes in them : we mooued the Admirall to fet the woods 
a fire, that fo wee might haue fpace, and entrance to take 
view of the Countrey, which motion did nothing difpleafe 
him, were it not for feare of great inconuenience that 
might thereof infue : for it was reported and confirmed by 

very 



Stephen Parmenivs. 173 



very credible perfons that when the like happened by 
chance in another Port, the fifti neuer came to the place 
about it, for the fpace of 7. whole yeares after, by reafon 
of the waters made bitter by the Turpentine, and Rofen 
of the trees which ranne into the rivers upon the firing of 
them. 

The weather is fo hote this time of the yeere, that except 
the very fifti, which is layed out to be dryed by the funne, 
be euery day turned it cannot poffibly bee preferued from 
burning: but how cold it is in the winter, the great heapes, 
and mountaines of yce, in the middeft of the Sea haue taught 
vs : fome of our company report, that in May, they were 
fometimes kept in, with fuch huge yce, for 16. whole dayes 
together, as that the Iflands thereof were threefcore fathoms 
thicke, the fides whereof which were towards the Sunne, 
when they were melted, the whole maffe or heape was fo 
inuerted and turned in manner of balancing, that that part 
which was before downeward, rofe vpward, to the greate 
perill of thofe that are neere them, as by reafon we may 
gather. The ayre vpon land is indifferent cleare, but at 
Sea towards the Eaft there is nothing els but perpetuall 
milts, and in the Sea it felfe, aboute the Banke ; for fo they 
call the place where they find ground fourty leagues diftant 
from the more, and where they beginne to fifh, there is no 
day without raine. When we haue ferued and fupplied our 
neceffitie in this place, we purpofe by the helpe of God to 
paffe towards the South, with fo much the more hope euery 
day, by how much the greater the things are, that are re- 
ported of thofe Countreys which we go to difcouer. Thus 
much touching our eftate. 

Now 



1 74 Letter of Stephen Parmenivs. 



Now I defire to know fomewhat concerning you, but I 
feare in vaine, but fpecially I defire out of meafure to know 
how my Patrone mafter Henry Vmpton doth take my ab- 
fence : my obedience, and duetie mail alwayes bee ready 
toward him as long as I Hue : but in deede I hope, that this 
journey of ours fhalbe profitable to his intentions. It re- 
maineth that you thinke me to be ftill yours, and fo yours 
as no mans more. The fonne of God bleffe all our labors, 
fo farre, as that you your felfe may be partaker of our 
bleffing. 

Adieu, my mo ft friendly, moft fweete, moft vertuous 
Hakluyt: In Newfound land, at Saint Iohns Port, the 6. 
of Auguft, 1583. 

Yours, 

Steven Parmenivs of Buda. 



A LETTER 

WRITTEN BY 

R HUMFREY GYLBERTE 

TO THE RT. HON. 

SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM. 



A LETTER 



WRITTEN BY 

SIR HUMFREY GYLBERTE 

TO THE RT. HON. 

SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM, 

KNIGHT, PRINCIPAL SECRETARY TO 

HER MAJESTY QUEEN ELIZABETH, 

DATED RED CROSS STREET, FEBRUARY 7TH, 1 5 82. 

IGHT HONERABLE; 

Wheras it hath pleafed yo r hon r to let me vn- 
derftand that her ma tie of her efpeciall care had 
of my well doing, & profperous fucceffe, hath 
wifhed my flay att home from the perfonail 
execution of my intended difcovery as a man noted of 
no good happ by Tea: 1 for the which I acknowledge 

myfelfe 

1 This letter was copied in 1859, tee f° r tne accuracy of the tranfcript. 
from the original in the Britifh State It is calendared in the State Paper 
Paper office, by the late Samuel G. Office, Domejlic, Vol. 158, No. 59. 
Drake, the diftinguiftied antiquary of The abortive expedition of 1578, which 
Bofton, and was printed in the New we have defcribed on page 57 of this 
England Hiftorical and Genealogical work, difappointed the Queen, and me 
Regifter in the July number of that had expreffed the opinion that Sir Hum- 
year. Mr. Drake's name is a guaran- frey was a man of no good luck at fea, 

23 




i;8 



A Letter of 



myfelfe fo muche bounden vnto her ma tie , as I know not 
how to deferve the leafte parte thereof, otherwife than with 
my continuall prayer, and moft faythfull, and forwarde fer- 
vice during lyfe : And now to excufe myfelfe, and fatisfye 
yo r hono r touching the objections made of my ftaye, it may 
pleafe you to bee aduertifed that in my firfl enterprife I 
retorned with great loffe, becaufe I would not myfelfe, nor 
fuffer any of my companye to doe anythinge contrarye to 
my worde given to her ma tie and yorfelfe: for yf I had not 
farr p r fered my credit before my gayne, I needed not to 
have retorned fo poore as then I did. 

And touching this my laft ftaye at Hampton, it hath pro- 
ceded by fouthweft wyndes of godes making and fending: 
and therfore not my faulte or negligence, but yf I wear 
giltye of delaye, the principall charge is my own, and noe 
loffe to any other, for my aduentures as I had them for the 
moft parte in wares, fo I have them ftill without any loffe to 
anye of them. And in truth the outerage of this winter 
hath been a common hyndrance to all men of this realme 
fouthwardes bounde. Yea, and the wyndes fo contrarye 
as that it hath droven fhippes from the yles of the Afres 
vppon this cofte without fp reading any fayle at all. A 
thinge I thinke never harde of before. And the kinge of 

Portingale 

and had better in the future remain at but four months later, the new expedi- 
home. Sir Francis Walfingham appears tion had been fully equipped with Sir 
to have communicated this opinion of Humfrey Gylberte at its head, which 
the Queen to Gylberte, and this letter left Caufet Bay on the nth of June, 
is his anfwer. He ftates that the ex- 1583, but, as we have feen, to prove in 
traordinarily bad weather, fuch as was the end only a difaftrous failure. The 
never known before, was the great reader will obferve that the year at 
obftacle to this laft enterprife and the that time beginning on March 25, there 
caufe of the delay at Hampton, and he were only four months and four days 
is fanguine of future fuccefs. What from February 7, 1582, to June 11, 
influence this letter had we know not, 1583. 



Sir sHumfrey Gylberte. 1 79 



Portingale beeing at the Tercera 1 coulde not in all this 
tyme recover the maderaes. 2 How farr impoffible then 
hadd it ben for mee to have performed my jorney this 
winter? Yo r hono r can judge, dwelling foe farr to the 
northewardes of the place intended to be difcovered. And 
feeing the Queenes ma tie is to have a fyfthe of all the golde 
& fyluer ther to bee gotten without any charge to her ma tie , 
I trufte her hyghnefs of her accuftomed favo r will not denye 
mee libertye to execute that w ch refteth in hope fo profitable 
to her ma tie & crown. The great defyre I have to performe 
the fame hath cofte mee firft & laft the felling and fpending 
of a thowfand marke land a yeere of my owne getting be- 
fydes the fcorne of the worlde, for conceaving fo well of a 
matter that others hold fo ridiculous, although now by my 
meanes better thought of. 

Yff the doubte bee my wante of flrill to execute the fame, 
I will offer myfelfe to bee appofed by all the beft navigato res 
and cofmographeres within the realme. Yff it bee coward- 
lines, I feeke noe other purgation thereof then my former 
fervice don to her ma tie : yf it bee the fufpition of dayntines 
of dyett or fea ficknes, in thofe both I will yeeld myfelfe 
feccond to noe man lyving, becaufe that comparifon is 
rather of hardines of bodye then a bofte of vertue : but how 
little accounte foever is made ether of the matter or of 
mee, I trufte her ma tie w th her favor for my xxviij tie yeares 
fervice will alowe mee to gett my livinge as well as I may 
honeftly, which is every fubjectes righte, and not to con- 
ftrayne mee by my idle aboade at home to begg my bredd 

with 

1 Terceira, one of the Azores. eaft of the Azores on the weft coaft of 

2 Madeiras, a group of iflands fouth- Africa. 



180 Letter of Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 



with my wife and children, efpecially feeing I have her 
ma ties g raun te and lycenfe under the great feale of Englande 
for my departure: without the which I would not have 
fpent a penny in this action wherein I am moft bounde to 
her ma tie for her great favo r , which of all thinges I moft De- 
fyre : and take comforte in : protefting that noe man lyving 
fhall ferve her ma tIe more faythfully and dutifully during my 
life w th all the good fortune that god fhall beftowe on mee. 
And thus I trufte I have fatisfyed yo r hono r as all my in- 
tentes and proceedings, leaving yo r hono r to the tuition of 
the almightye. ffrom my houfe in Redcroffe flreat the 7 th 
of February 1582. 

Yo r honores moft humble 

Hy Gylberte. 



COPIES OF LETTERS AND PAPERS 

FROM THE 

ENGLISH ARCHIVES. 



COPIES OF LETTERS AND PAPERS 



FROM THE 

ENGLISH ARCHIVES. 



The Source of each will be found indicated by Footnotes, 



Petition of Humfrey Gylberte respecting a north 
passage to cataia, 1 566. 

To the Queries moll excellent Ma tie o r dread fouereigne 
ladie. 

Pleafeth it yo r Ma tie , that whereas of longe tyme, there 
hath bin nothinge faide or done concerninge the difcouer- 
inge of a paffage by the Northe, to go to Cataia, & all other 
the eaft partes of the worlde, theife are mofte humblie to be- 
feche yo r Ma tie that I maie have the fame priveledged, accord- 
inge to the articles followinge, And I nothinge doubtinge the 
good fucceffe, doe meane god willinge, to make tryall thereof, 
at myne owne coftes & charges with the helpe of my freindes, 
& fuche as by my procurement, will affifte me in that behalf. 
Hopinge that your highnes will farther the fame, Beinge to 
the greate hono r , profytt, & ftrength, bothe of yo r maieftie & 

alfo 



184 Letters and Papers from the 



alfo yo r realm e withoute burdeninge of eyther, or Iniuringe 
any chriftian prince, by croffinge any of them, in any theire 
trades or otherwyfe. 

1. Firft, none to go, or by any adventure, or procurement, 
to furnyfhe, or fett forthe any others, to pafle to any parte of 
the worlde, through this vndifcoueryd paflage, vppon paine 
of confyfcation, of the goodes (fo adventred) to my vfe, w tb 
farther punyfhment at yo r ma tes pleafure, except fuche as 
fhalbe by me duringe my lyff made Free thereof, And the 
fame to extend to them & all the heires of theire bodies for 
euer. 

2. Secondly, my felf & my ij brothers, duringe the naturall 
lives of us & all thofe that (hall lyneally dyfcend & fuccead 
any off us, to adventure in the fame, for euer, from tyme to 
tyme, at o r pleafures, Annfweringe all cuftomes, accordinge 
to the rates nowe vfed & not otherwyfe. 

3. Thirdely, that I maie haue, to my vfe for the terme of 
xix yers the v th parte of the cuftomes of the marchaundize 
retouned by meanes of this difcouerze. 

HUMFREY GYLBERTE. 1 

HUMFREY GYLBERTE TO QUEEN ELIZABETH. PROPOSALS FOR 
UNDERTAKING THE DISCOVERY OF A PASSAGE TO CaTAIA. 

1567, February. 

To the Quenes mofte excelente Ma*. 

Forafmuche as yt hathe pleafid yo r Ma* to Eftablifhe by 
parliament the Corporacion for difcoouerye of new trades I 
yo r highneis Humble fervant & Subject Humfrey gilberte 

beyng 

1 Vide, Birch MS., Britijh Mufeum, MMMMCLIX. folio 175. 



Englijli Archives. 185 

beyng on of the fame Companye, am therby encoorraged and 
mynd w th yo r Ma ties licence & fauor to enterpryfe & geve the 
attempt w th all poffible fpede for the difcoouerye of A paffage 
to Cataya and all other the ryche partes of the worlde as yet 
vnfounde, w ch takynge good fucceffe Ihalbe greate honor & 
ftrengthe to yo r ma te w th ymmortall fame thoroughte all the 
world, befides the great enrichinge of yo r highnes & yo r Coun- 
trye w th increace & mayntenannce of yo r nauye, yt maye ther- 
fore pleafe yo r Ma ri to graunte me thes preuileges followinge, 
afwell in Coniideracion of the premiffes as alfo of the greate 
Chargys that I mall fuftayne by the fettynge forwarde the 
fame, befides the apparant myfferable trawayll haffarde & 
perell of my lyffe, wherin I fubmyte my felfTe to the good 
wyll & pleaffure of god. 

1. Firfbe that yt maye plefe yo r ho. for the fowre furfte 
voyages to graunte frelye to me, the vfe & occupacion of 
fuche two of yo r ma tis fhippes w A ther fornytures as by yo r h. 
Lord admyrall fhalbe thought mofle fytteft to be employed yn 
that fervice, w th yo r Ma tis Commiffion yf nede fhalbe for the 
appreftinge and hiring of maryners & other parfons neceffarye 
for that voyage ; & alfo for the vittailynge of fuche nomber of 
fhippes as fhalbe vfed yn that fowre firfbe voyages at yo r M. 
pryce. 

2. Alfo that yo r h. wyll plefe to graunte to yo r fayd fervante 
his heyres Executores & affighnes that he or they maye & 
fhall at his or theyr will & Election yerely duringe the fpace 
of. xl. yeres, trafficq w th anye kynde of merchandife to anye 
the plafes hereafter to be difcovered by the faid Corporacion 
for difcoverye of new trades w th one or two fhipes at the 
mofle w th oute payeng any maner of cuftome, impoficion fub- 

24 fedes 



1 86 Letters and Papers from the 



fedes or other dutyes w c may growe to yo r Ma" for any mer- 
chandife to be laden in any of them eyther in their voyage 
thether or yn ther returne hether, except only xij d. for everye 
toonne accordinge to the burden of the faid fhippe or fhippes. 

3. Alfo that I maye haue to me & my ayers yn fee the 
tenthe parte of all fuche landes & Countres as fliall fo happen 
to be Difkouered w tb all mano r of promotes therevnto apper- 
tayninge, hauinge lyberty to take to that quantyty to any our 
vffes yn any parte of thes difkoueryd Counterys where as to 
vs mall feme good, holdinge yt of yo r . M. as of the Crown of 
England at the yerely rente & valew of A knightes fee w th oute 
any impoffityon fubfide oyffing oute, or any other charge or 
fervis for the fame. 

4. Alfo to graunte to me duringe my lyfe the Capitane- 
fhipe chefe rule & gouern* too yo r Ma tis vfe of all fuche Con- 
tres & terytoryez as fhalbe by me or by my meanes or advice 
difcoueryd, w th conuenyent fee & alowancez for fuche a charge 
as to yo r Ma ti mail feme good, & the fame to be occupyed & 
excercyfide by me or my fufficient deputye or deputyez. 

5. Alfo the moyete of her Ma tis parte of fuche goodes 
as mall hereafter happen to be forfyted by infrenginge the 
preulgis of the faid corporacion to be to the vfe of me & my 
ayers in fee for ever anfweryng i2d. by the yere for the fame. 

6. Alfo that all fuche 'fhippes as mail from tyme to tyme 
be imployed aboute the traffike into fuche difcoueryd coun- 
tres owtewardes or homewardes w th there gingez may be fre 
for ever of all areftes imprefte or ympechementes for any 
common fervice of the real me vnleas yt be by vertu of her 
ma tis fpeciall commyffion vnder her byll affind. 2 

Queen 

2 Vide, Humfrey Gylberte, State Papers, DomeJUc, Vol. XLII. No. 23. 



Englifh Archives. 



187 



Queen Elizabeth to the Lord Deputy Sidney : Humfrey 
Gylberte to negotiate about the Plantation. 

vj* Julii 1 567. 

L. Deputy of Irland. 

We greete you well. We do very well allow of your 
opinion declarid to vs by Agar, that fome gentlemen of good 
houfes w th in our Realme heere may be inducid to comme 
over with their awne Tenauntes and freendes, and to haue 
aflignid vnto theim fuch portions of territoryes there as yeld- 
ing for the fame fome fmall rent at the begynning w th an 
increafs refonable aft r fome yers paffed, they may be encor- 
aged to plant theim felfes and their freendes there, and fo by 
contynuaunce of tyme to ftablifhe thofe contres w th Englifhe 
birth and government. Forther proceedinge wherin to per- 
fection, we perceiue there canbe no prefent refolution taken, 
vntill the fame contreys be furveyed and defcribed. which 
we perceiue yo u intend to do now in this yo r next jo r ney to 
be begoone w th in this moneth of July. And therw th alfo be- 
fore any graunt can be orderly made to any perfon, the fame 
contreys rnufl be devydid into fheere growndes. for the which 
we perceyue ye haue caufid a forme of a ftatut to be devifid, 
to paffe in our next parlement there, which being brought 
vnto vs, without more mater knowne to the contrary, we 
meane to allow. And in the meane tyme, wifhe yow to 
pervfe thofe contreys in this your next jo r ney, fo as you may 
aduertife vs what nombre of famylyes and habitations will be 
requifit for this pourpofe w* fuch other particularetyes as may 
gyve vs vnderftandyng of the ftate of the fame. And in the 

meane 



1 88 Letters and Papers from the 



meane tyme lykewife to treate & devife w th fuch eng h genl te- 
rn en as be there, or of your acquaintaunce heere in Englande, 
in the beft fort yo w can, for the habitacion of the fame Con- 
treys. And where dyvers feeme defyrous heere of the lyke, 
we will addreffe theim eyther by theim felfes or by their fuf- 
flcient meffengers to conferre w th yo w as our principall officer 
therin, lyke as we heere that o r fervaunt Humfrey Gylberte is 
inftruclid from certein gent' in the weft partes heere to deale 
w th yow in this behalf, which yo w fhall beft know of him felf, 
if he haue not already impartid it vnto yo w . Our meaning 
is always in this mater to referue to o r 'felfes the power and 
difpofition of theefe territoryes & contreys to fuche as ihalbe 
thought the principall men for the fame, vpon advife had 
from yo w , as from o r principall gouerno T of the whole And 
therfore the fooner ye do infourme vs of the particularytyes 
heerin requynte, the foner yow flialbe fatisfyed. 3 

[Endorfed : — ] M. July 1 567 

To the L. Deputy "oTlrland 
from the Q. ma te vpon mr F. 
Agardes comming and report. 

Yf Turlough Lynoghe fhall ftyll kleame to be Oneale 
rebellyoufly, than to offer elyxander ogge, w th the newe 
Skottes, his free holde for theyr habitation, yf theye entryng 
forthw th thervppon fhall expell hym & keape the fame. 

And yff Turlough be a good fubiecl than to expell the 
fkotts forthw th 

To gyue no cowntenance of honor to Turloghe, otherwyfe 
than that he may be gouerned as m r Ager dothe gouerne 

the 

3 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXI. No. 49. 



Englifk Archives. 



189 



the Bernes & Toolles, vntyll a prefident & cownfayle be 
eftabliffhed there. 

That m r gylbard be made prefident there for the firft ye re 
or two, yff he joynyng w th his frendes of the wefte woll plant 
habitation there of ynglyfhe men w th refonable conditions. 

To provoke fotche of the thowfand men that are to be 
cafled beyng good hvfbond men, plowe wryghts, kart 
wryghts, and Smythes, eyther to take habitation yf they be 
hable, or els to ftaye & ferve there vnder fotche gentelmen as 
mall inhabyte there. 

And as foone as may be to cawfe artizans, and fea fyffhers 
to plant vppon the Ban ; at Strangford, and at Lowghfoyle, 
intrenchyng theym felffes there, that aft r they may growe to 
be haven Townes. July 7 1567. 4 

The Lord Deputy's remembrance of Her Majesty's 

RESOLUTIONS, ETC CaPT GyLBERTES BAND. 

Her ma tes refolucion in matters movid to her highnes the firft 
of Julie, 1568. 

1. Firft her highnes pleaf r was that immediatlie vppon 
myne arrivall in Irlande or by Mich'mas at the fardeft I fhuld 
caffhe and difchardge all the garrifon refiding in Laughlin 
bridge for this I defier warraunt & commaundem*. 

2. Her ma ty was well pleafed that Auditf 1 genifon fhuld 
haue like allowaunce for his charges and travell fuftainid in 
thaffaiers extraordinary to his office as others haue had vz 
Valentyne Browne or Willm. Dix, w ch Valentyne had xx s , 
ftr' per diem and x: men in wages at viij d per diem. And 

Willm. 

4 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXI. No. 56. 



190 Letters* and Papers from the 



Willm. Dix had xx s , per diem and ij clarkes at ij s the pece 
per diem, for this I defier warraunt. 

3. Her ma tes pleaf r was that Capten Gilbertes band of fhot 
on horfeback fhuld haue augmentacion in their wages the cer- 
tainty wherof I defier to knowe or ells to haue it left to my 
difcretion and to be warraunted for it. 

4. Her highnes was well pleafed that Occarolls grief fhuld 
be harde, and that he fhuld haue letters into Irland of Juftice 
and Comfort. 

5. Her ma tes pleafuer was that I fhuld haue aucloritytie to 
treat w th bagnall towching the exchaunge of his Landes. 

6. Her ma tes pleafuer was that Richard Newtervile fhuld 
haue a leafe in Revercion for xxj yeres of fuch landes as he 
hath prefently in poffeffion. 

7. Her ma tes pleaf r was that Thomas Eliot m r gunn' of 
Irlande fhuld haue a leafe in revercion for the terme of 
yeres of the Rectories of Laroughcor and Killmore in the 
County of Meth being of the clere yerelie value of xxix ti yj e 
viij d . 

8. Her ma ty is well pleafed that Iaques Wingefeld fhuld 
haue a leafe for lxj yeres of landes lieing in the Counties of 
Lymerick Cork and Kerry to the yerelie value of one hun- 
dreth poundes. 

9. Her highnes was pleafed that Antoine Rowe fhuld 
haue a leafe in revercion for xxj yeres of the parfonages of 
baltinglas and killmollin being both of the yerelie value of 
xvj d irifhe. 

10. Her ma tes pleaf r was that Robert Quick fhuld haue a 
leafe in revercion for xxj yeris of a ferme in the tenner of 
Edward Birne of the yerelie value of iiij 4i iiij 3 irifhe. 

11. Her 



Englifh Archives. 191 

11. Her ma ty was contentid to graunt to Edmond fitz 
Allexander capten of her galloglas a leafe in reuercion for 
xxj yeres of fo much of his peticion as mail feme good to me 
the deputie and being not grauntid to others in confidera- 
cion of fervice. 

12. Her ma 17 was well pleafed to abbate of the arrerages 
of her fubfidie in the cuntree of the Decees being 425^ the 
fome of 225** fo as me maie haue good fewertie for the fame 
to be p d at refonable days And that the fame f r Maurice 
fhuld haue a letter of Juftice into Irlande, for hearing and 
determining his compleintes for fpoiles betweene the Erie of 
Defmound and him. And that he fhuld furrender his landes 
and take the fame of the Quenis Ma* 7 to hold of her in 
Capite by one knightes fee w th certaine Remaindo" the lad; 
wherof to be in the Crowne of Englande. And that he 
fhuld be difchargid of all fervices and exactions claimid by 
enie other fubiecl, and that he fhuld be ennoblid by the 
titell of Vicount : for the Decees w* a refervation of — to 
be taken ovt of fome of o r landes in Mvnfter as to you o r 
Depvte and Counfell fhall be thovght mete and for the pro- 
cedyng and creatyng herof, we ar content that fome booke 
be made by o r learned Counfell ther and others for a grant 
from vs makyng and creatyng hym firft baron of fome 
fegnores of his owne, and confequently the Vicount of the 
Deffees. 

H. Sydney. 5 

5 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXV. No. 1 5. 



Sir 



192 Letters and Papers from the 



Sir William Cecill to Deputy Sidney commending the 
bearer Sir Arthur Champernowne. 

It may pleafe yo r Lordmip, That where the fame have 
ben defirous that fome part of that realme might be inhab- 
ited w th gentlemen and people of this countrey who might 
be able to defend the fame and kepe it from fuch oppreffions 
as lately it hath borne. This bearer f r Arthur Champernowne 
hath had liking therof, and of his intention hath hertofore 
lett m r Gilbert to vnderftand. To whom he alfo prefently 
repaireth for furder conference. And though I nede not to 
recommend this gentleman being fo well knowen vnto yo r 
L : yet being of fo good a howfe and ability here I could not 
but declare my good allowance of his intendement. And for 
that refpecl thought to accompany him w th thefe few wordes 
to yo r L. favo r , to whom I committ the fame. And fo I wifh 
yo r L. right well to do. from Richmond the xx th of July 
1567- 

Your L. humbly at Com : 

W. Cecill. 

Theis gentillmen come purpoffly to fee your L. and the 
contrey, as I perceave, and to procede as yow mail fynd 
mete. 6 

[Addrejfed: — ] To the right honorable my 

very good Lord S r Henry Sidney 
... t of th'order, Lord deputy 
Realme of Irland. 

6 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXI. No. 64. 



Captain 



Englifli Archives. 



Captain John Warde to Cecill. Capt. Gylbertes 
Overthrow of Fitzmaurice and Mc. Carthy More 

1569, September 26. 
Kellmallocke. 

Right hono r able my humble duttey promyfed plefeth yt 
yo r hono r the xxiij th day of this prefent Capttayne gelbertt & 
I came from Binbryle to the towne of Kellmallocke w th our 
only company w ch ys diflans xij mylles, and the xxv th day 
Jamis Fe morrys & mackarttemowre w th all there powres to 
the nombre of a thowfand fyve hundreth foott men and iij 
horfe came w th yne havlf a myll of the towne then capttayne 
gelbertt command me to plafe att every gatte w th yne the 
towne ferting of my men & whowght the towne in dyverys 
lanis & strayghtes, & he himfelfe w th his owne compayny & 
Sertting of my fhott vpon hackenis Sallyed forth he told me 
a wold but vew them, & fo Retyre him felfe in a gayne but 
he as Sone as a came the p a charged them very ftowghtly & 
kelled ij lordes of his compayny & hurtt xx very fore & of 
capttayne gelbardes men were flayne one & vj hurtt yf all 
our compayny had ben here I wene m r w th his ij D who ys 
att korke xxiiij th mylles from this towne we mould by 
goodes amade and end of all Jamis Femorys warys this 
nyght capttayn gelberd doth take his gorny towardes corke 
to fyche m r fult w th his Compayny hether where by we mall 
when our ftrynth ys to gether be able to do the bettar fervis 
by godes helpe, thus I dezyre the eternall god to preferve 

25 yo r 



194 Letters and Papers from the 



yo r hono r in helth & fellyfyte from kellmallocke the xxvj th day 
of Septembar an° 1569 

Yo r hono r s moft humble to command 

John Warde 7 

\AddreJfed ': — ] To the Right Honno'able 
S r W m Syffell Knighte 
Secretorye to the quenes Ma te . 

Queen Elizabeth to the Lord Deputy Sidney about 
Earl of Desmond and Humfrey Gylbertes full pay. 

To the L. deputy of Irland. 

We grete yo w well, forafmuch as the Erie of Defmond by 
his fundry great mifdeameano rs in contempt of vs & o r peace 
there hath not only forfeytid great fommes of money wherin 
he ftoode bound to vs for obfervation of o r faid peace, but 
alfo incurred into the danger of his lief landes & goodes if 
our lawes fhuld be extended ageynft hym for w ch purpofe we 
committed him to prifon in o r Tower at London, where he 
remayneth and his broth r f r Jhon of Defmond w t him being 
participat of certen his mifdeameano rs , and there do live only 
to o r great charges w l out any relief of their owne any wife : We 
therfore will & require yo w to fee fomme fpedy order taken 
as yow fhall think belt how the revenues & proffittes of their 
landes may be fequeftred into the cuftody of fomme perfon 
well chofen for that purpofe, and that therby we may be firft 
awnfvered of fuch charges as fence the time of their com- 
mitting to prifon we have borne. And that from henceforth 
there may be order given how they may be fufteyned during 
the time of their emprifonment by meanes of the faid Erles 

revenues 

7 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXIX. No. 64. 



Englifh Archives. 



195 



revenues and the reft of ther revenews aft r the fomentation of 
ther wiffes referved to be anfwerable to vs as the law mall 
order And becaufe yow may better confider what fhalbe 
mete to be provided for them, yow fhall vnderfland by efti- 
mation of their ordinary charges in perfon & of fuch oth r 
fommes of money, as hath ben lent & payed on the behalf of 
the faid Erie & his broth r , fence their lafi; comming out of 
Irland by a writing delivered co this bearer o r fervant Hum- 
frey Gilbert, who hath remayned here, as we have perceaved 
contrary to his own will from his place of fervice there, by 
reafon of his daungerous ficknes this fommer, wherof being 
ones recovered he fell into the fame again So as vntill this 
prefent it femmed he could not conveniently depart hence 
towardes his fervice there, And therfore we wold have 
yo w to graunt him allowance of fuch interteynem* as perteyn- 
eth to his charg and as largely as he fhuld have ben 
allowed, if he had ben there prefent all this tyme w ch we do 
more favorably yeld vnto him, becaus we iudg him a fayth- 
full fervant and ocry toward & well able to ferve vs not only 
in the place, wherof he hath charg, but of fomme better, if 
any fuch were there voyde, whervnto he might be preferred. 

[Not Jigned^\ 8 

\Endorfed: — ] M. 24 October. 1568 

To the L. deputy of Irland, touching thearle of Defmunds reve- 
nues to be anfwerable for his charges in the Towre. Recom- 
mend' for m r Gilberts pay. 

8 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXVI. No. 6. 



Captain 



196 Letters and Papers from the 



Captain H. Gylberte to Cecill. Service in Munster 
as Colonel. 

1569, Oaober 18. 
Limerick. 

R. ho : yt plefed my Lo. Depute and the Counfell heyr 
to eufe ther autoryte in commandynge me to ferue in Munfter, 
Colonell of her Ma tes Sodiers ther. Leuynge alfo the hoell 
gov r nement in my handes of all that prouynfe mofte hvm- 
belly befechynge yo! ho. accordynge to yo r wonted courtefy 
to be good vnto me, and w th fauo r to beyr up the imper- 
fections of my governement. feynge that it was layd vppon 
me myche againfte my wyll. I makynge mofle ernyfte and 
hombell fheuyt to the contrary, knowynge my vnfuffy- 
fientorys to be foyche, boeth for wante of yers, experyenfe, 
and all other vertewys, neceffary for foyche an offyfer. that 
autoryte was to me but a fwyet poyfon, that wolde in thende 
torne to my confufion and vtter dyfcredytt, rather then to 
the increyfe of my pouer reputation, mofte hvmbelly de- 
fyrynge yo r ho. therfoer to reuoecke me from henfe, w th expe- 
dyfion lefte that I fhouelde boethe hynder the Quyens Ma tes 
feruys, and loyfe that lyttell credytt w th in a fewe dayes, w ch I 
haue all my lyeffe travelyd for. farther yf I mould not 
haue lezue to comme into Ingelande the nexte fprynge, to 
feycke remyde for my eyes, yt myghte grow to be incurabell, 
to my vtter vndouynge. hopynge that yo r ho wyll haue 
confederation of me yo r pouer folloer, that haethe alwayes 
cheyffely dependyd on yo r freyndefhyppe, lefte that thys my 
beinge callyd to tymely to governe others (not beynge mafter 
of my felffe) fhouelde be my vtter vndouynge. I am accom- 

panyd 



Englifh Archives. 



197 



panyd w th tow honefte and worthe gentelmen, captaine 
Warde, and capta Sheuytt. whoues laft feruyfes haethe 
deferuyd boethe reputation and rewarde affeurynge yo w that 
capt Warde, dyd ferue mofte valiently at the befegynge of 
Kylmallocke, and alfo at the wyndynge of a ftronge caftell 
callyd garryfonne in Conyloughe : wher hym felffe fyrfte 
enteryd, and kyllyd the fyrfte man. ther dyd a younge gen- 
tleman that ys faruant to my la Mary Sydne ferue alfo very 
valiently. callyd Edgertoune. mofte hvmbelly befechynge 
yo r hono r to be a meane heyr after when tyme mail better 
ferue, for the rewardyng of them, accordyngly, and fo I 
mofte hvmbelly commytt yo r ho. to god reftynge yo r ho 
mofte hvmbell to commande from Lymberycke the i8 lh of 
Oc~k>b r 1569 Yo r . ho. mofte hvmbell 

H. Gylberte. 9 

Captain John Warde to Cecill. Bravery of Col. 

Gylberte. 

1569, O&ober 18. 
Limerick. 

Righte honnorable my dowtye mofte hvmbley doone ; 
thefe are according to yo r honno rs Commandement, to 
Advertyfe yo r honno r , as thinges hath happened in thefe 
partes fince my arrivall. I was lefte by my L deputey in 
Limbricke, were the Cronoll m r Gilbart laye w th his horfe 
band. And on the 23 of September the Cronnell departed 
w th his Compannye and myne to Killmallocke vppon Creda- 
ble Advertyfemente, that the rebelles would that nighte 
coome to befedge and borne the towne. And in deyde they 

came 

9 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXIX. No. 67. 



198 Letters and Papers from the 

came the nexte day w th in halffe a mylle of the towne w th 2000 
footemen and near 60 horfemen, meaninge to haue kept vs 
all w th in the towne, and there to haue fammy fried vs. And 
that tyme the Coronell beinge in greate dowte of the fydel- 
lytey of the townefmen vppon good cawfe, Appoynted me 
to man all the gattes and poftornes of the towne, and w th the 
refte of my Compannye to defende fertaine ftraightes w tb owte 
the towne (All w ch was done not w th ovvte good Confyderacon 
of the Coronell) Comandin.ge me vppon paine of deathe not 
to removfe my felff nor none of my Compannye from the plafe 
he appoynted vs. This done the Coronell mownted him felf 
and his Bande on horfebacke, meaning as he fayed onley to 
falley owte to vewe them, but beinge in the feld they enteryde 
into ikyrmyfhe thenemye devydinge his forfes in two partes 
in w ch Ikyrmyfhe the Coronell him felf firft chardged there L. 
of Shote Cearne and galleglaffes, and drovfe them into there 
Battell, at the w ch chardge the Coronell horfe was Ihote 
thorrowe w th a harquebuz and hurte w th a galleglaffe axe, & 
his targate ftrocken thorrowe w th a fparre. After this fume 
of the Coronelles compannye vncomanded paffed over a fowrd 
to haue charged the holle Battell, where vppon the Cronnell 
w th the refte of his Companney was inforced to followe them 
for there Better derection, and they were no founer over the 
fowrde, but the rebelles w th there holle force of horfe and 
footemen, Chardged the Coronelles Compannye, were vppon 
they were in forced to retyer, w ch throwe the Suddennyfe of 
the matter bred fuch diforder as they had bene all dyftreffede, 
yf the Cronnell had not moft valleantley being the laft man 
w th his owne handes defended the fowrde, againft all thene- 
myes whilleft all his Bande paffed over, (as the rebelles fynce 

they 



Englifh Archives. 1 99 

they came in dyde confefe). In this chardge the Cronnell 
w th his owne handes dyde vnhorfe twoe, flewe owne and 
hurt vj of them, they beinge above xx te horfemen that 
charged vppon him felf, befydes fertaine galloglaffes, and 
abofe as manney more that followinge the chafe of his band 
that were betwen him and his Compannye, And yet by the 
greate blyffinge of gode, he bracke thorrowe them all, and 
effkapped vn hurte to the prefervinge of his holle Com- 
panney, Savinge owne of his men w ch was flaine. The next 
day the Cronnell was inforced to goe w th his horfemen to 
Corke, beinge xxiiij te mylles of, for the bringinge of Capt. 
Shewte Bande to goyne w th me to the ende he might goe 
into felde, to fyght w th the rebelles (And was a way for the 
fynnyfhinge of this entertryfe viij daies, all w ch tyme, the 
rebelles dyde Befedge the towne, Burninge the Contrey 
rownde a bowte) Comandinge me before his departure onley 
to defende the chefe towne, fyndinge the bafle towne to be 
fo weake, as that yt was fkafley gardabell (And yet I prayfe 
god. I dyde defende bothe the owne and the other w ch be- 
inge more then the Coronell looked for, dyde lecke a mofte 
nobell gentellman moll thanckfullye excepte the fame) I 
afure yo r honno r yt was owne of the nobelleft & dangeroufe 
enterpryfe, that ever I knewe taken in hande, the bringinge 
of vs to gether thenemye lyenge betwene vs & them, onley 
to haue cutt them of, & yet dyd he by fo manney fundrey 
ftrayte jaymes fo wyfelye vfe the matter, as that he browghte 
vs all to gether w th owt the loofe of anney one man (The Carre 
& Trowble of this fervice, thorewe the Coronell in a fever w ch 
god be prayfed he ys perfetley recovered). After the Joyn- 
inge of ower Compannyes to gether we flayed, but one day, 

And 



200 Letters and Papers from the 



And on the viij th day of October went into the felde, and in 
camped that nighte into thenemyfe countrey And the nexte 
day in Camped in garryfetowne were was owne of the 
ftrongeft & principalis Caftell that the rebelles had, & im- 
medyatlye, vppon the lodginge of owre campe, the Coronell 
toke Capt Shewt & me to accompany him to vewe the 
Caftell, at w ch tyme Craves Cap en fhowtes lyvetenaunte 
was {hot thorrowe the thye w th a harquebuz Ihote. And 
immedyatlye vppon ower retorne the Coronell mownted him 
felfe, and his nolle companye on horfebacke, Comanding all 
the foldiors to ftande in order of battell, & left Cap en Shewte 
w th them. Appoyntinge me to take xl te of my foldiors w th my 
lyvetenaunte enfeigne and Sargeantes, and in Companye of 
me Tanner Cap eu fhewtes enfeigne to approtche the Caftell. 
And god be prayfed for yt w th in thre howres we wane yt, and 
dyd put to fowrde neare xl perfonnes The Cronnell com- 
anding me vppon payne of deathe to put them all to the 
fowrde. durringe this tyme the rebelles w th his holle powre 
lay w th in half a mylle of the Campe, and to Conclewde, In 
this Jurney we followed thennemye, thorrowe all his ftranges 
paffing a longe the mowntayne fyde, returnynge home by the 
fhennynge And fo thorrowe the harte of Conneloe and Ken- 
rey, were never any englyfhe enfeigne or gydden wasdifplayed, 
nether yet writt fved, or anny Commyffyoners fatt for the 
prynce, fynce the firft conqueft as all the Contrey confeffeth, 
to Conclewde the Coronell w th his owne Compannye winynge 
twoe Caftelles before putting all that werre w th in them, to the 
fowrde, and doinge the lecke now garrefetowne beinge fo 
foone woone, the Accownting yt in pryanable, w th the fervice 
of his owne perfon at Killmallok They accowntinge him 

more 



Englifh Archives. 



20I 



more lecker a devell then a man And are fo affarde of him, 
that they leve, and geve vpp in this Jurney all the Caftelles, 
Following, viz. Craghan, Caflell, the Ralff Ballegeltegone, 
Gillemakno of Suppelles, Killfenney, Penfton, Lefemottey, 
Ballangoare, Ballerenowe, The Newe towne, balleallenay, 
the newe Caflell, Killanohwne, Cortenaytowbryte Dwnmoel- 
len, Shannet, S' Patterickes hill, Corgragg, Honne, the Pal- 
lyfe, Baldon, Robert Towne, Afketon Wheyn, Caflell towne, 
Rynekerkey, Pelleglohane, & dyvers other Caftelles w ch I 
haue not named. And this gennerally ys the Coronelles 
order, w ch by no meanes nore entreteye he will breake w th ys, 
that yf any Caflell doo not yelde vnto him vppon the firfl 
fummonynge, he will not Afterwarde harken to no parle, 
but w r ynne yt perforce, who manney of his foldiors lyves 
foever yt Colt him, and put man woman and Children to the 
fowrde, fo that I thincke they are fo well acquaynted w th his 
Condyfiones as that I thincke they will note defende no 
Caflell againft him. And there ys no owne that he doeth 
trufl, w th owt fweringe him to the quenes Ma tes taking great 
bandes of them and ther Children or other there befl pledges. 
And the Cheffefl and pryncipall of James men fewythe to 
the Corronell to come for the Quenes Ma tes mercey, w ch he 
by no meanes would receyve anny of them, but by there 
hvmble fewte vppon there kneys, fo that the evell for Fare, 
& the good Subiedl thorrowe his courtefeye, are bothe 
browhte in fuche lufe and feare of him as I thincke the 
lecke was never feyne in fo fhort a tyme Affuring yo r hon- 
no r that allthoughe I knewe him to be a vallyaunt & wordye 
gentellman, yet dide not I nor no man elfe thinck that he 
hade bene half fo fufficient as he ys, for goverment in plafe 

26 of 



202 Letters and Papers from the 



of great chardge, bothe marmally & feually. In this Jurney 
was killed Owen Mackefhe a Capt of galloglaffes, & on the 
xv of this monneth the Coronell dyd hange drawe and quar- 
ter at Limbrick Conner mackefhe & W ra Mackefhe brothers 
to owen mackme beinge all Captaines of galloglaffes. They 
were thre of the notabelles mallefacktars, that by the reporte 
of the Countrey as ever was hard of in all mvnfter, and fuche 
as they of the Countrey was gladther of the death of them, 
then yf they had hade geven then a houndred thowfande 
powndes there was alfo on Lacye who put his fonne in 
pledge, dyde refyft againe was hanged & quar td as the other 
is. I feace w th my praier for yo r profperous health &c. From 
Limbricke the xviij* of October an° 1569. 

Yo r honno rs moft hvmble Servaunte 

John Waerd. 10 



Reckoning of Sir Humfrey Gylberte, Col. Estimate 
of three months. i57o march 31. 

The Reconing of S r Humfrey Gilberte Knight having the 
leading of harquebufiers on horfeback w* 1 cc th kernes 
togethers w th his diettes as Colonell of Certaine Bandes 
w th in the province of Mounfter as folowith viz. 
Firft for his owne diettes as 

Colonell after the rate of xx s. 

fter' per diem for cc daies be- 

gyning xiij° Septembeis 1569 

and ending vltimo marcii 1570. 

Amounting to cc li. fter' fac' 

irifhe 



cclxvj u 
xiijs iiij d 



For 



10 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXIX. No. 68. 



Englifli Archives. 



For his wagies at viij s. per l 
diem peticappetaine at iiij s. 
per diem Gurydon bearer at 
ijs. per diem one Trompetor 
one Surgeon and c tJ ? Harque- 
bufiers on horfeback at xij d the 
pece per diem for Dccccxxvij 
daies begynins; the 

Dewe to the . . OJ , 

saide sr Hum- X vi th of beptembr 

frey as w^iin viz. L 

1569 and ending the 
laft of marche 1570 aforefaid 
amounting vnto 

Alfo for his wages as a Cap- 
peten of kernes at iiij s. per 
diem and cc th kernes at vj d. 

the pece per diem for ciiijxiij 
daies begyning the xx th of Sep- 
tembr. 1569 and ending the 
laft of marche 1570. aforefaid 
amounting to 

Likewife dewe by a Concor- 
datum dated xj° Januarii 1569 
graunted by the Lorde deputie 
and Counfaile for diuerfe ex- 
traordinarie chardges. 

Checques to and for the laft' 
of Septembr. 1 569 as by lj war- 
runtes made for that by me 
apperith. 



204 Letters and Papers from the 



Preftes deliuered as in thac- 
compt of S r Willm. Fitz 
Willms. determyned before the 

1 ... 

Comiffioners apperith m iiij iiif. 
xiij s ix d ob- more fythence that 
Accompt at xix feuerall tymes 
Defalked and by the fame S r Willm. 

paid wtliin the ^ 

said tyme viz. . ..-i ■ -\ i r 

in vnjl vij xj s. xd. ob. q . 
by Roger Maynwaring in Ire- 
land lxxviij li. ij d. and in Ing- 
land viij die febr. 1569 as by 
Certificat out of the recept 
Apperith Dclxvj li. xiijs. iiij d. 



and one pay to Patricke mery 
man vij li. xij s. iiij d- In all 

Victualles by Thomas Might' 
victualler before the laft of 
auguft 1568 xl li. xvj s. xd. and 
in the iorney into Mounfter 

XX 

iiij xvj li. ix s. iiij d- In all 
Beves Receyved in the^ 

Campe viz. cxxviij di. at vj s. 

viij d- Iter, the pece 

Mvnicions certified by the 

M r of the Ordynaunce to and 

for the laft of Septembre 1569 
The phificion poticarye &c. } 
John Thomas by warraunt \ 

xx° fept. 1568 



J 



t t C XX 

MMvj iiij 
xiiij" xj s 
vj d q r 



cxxxvij" 
xiiij d 



lvij u ij s ij d 
ob. di. q r . 



XX 

cciiij li. iiij d. 



lxxij 1 ' ix s ij c 



xvnj u xnj s mj Q 



iijclxxij 1 ' xj s x d 
ob. q r diirifhe 



Richard 



Englifh Archives. 



205 



And so remaneth 
Clere dewe viz. 
To 



cvj s. viij d. 
cxxviij 1 ' xiiij d ob. q r . 

lx 11 xviij 5 j d q r 

lxxviij s viij d 
lxvj s viij d 



xx u xvij s iiij d 



Richard Paule ij do Novem- 
bris 1568 

Nicholas Fitzfymondes by 
two warruntes 

Chriftofer Sedgrave by ij 
warruntes 

Gyles Allen by ij warruntes 
Thomas Pynnock by warr. 
xx° Aprilis 1569 

Raphe Sygerfon per warrunt 
ix° Maii 1569 

John Strawbridge 
xix° Aprilis 1569 
Robt. Comaunder by bill 
xviij no Junii 1569. 

Henry Owftell late lieuten- 
aunt w th vj li. xviij s. j d. thereof 
dewe to James Fofter of Dublin 
Tailor w ch is to be ftaid for his 
vfe 

The faid Cappetaine for him 
felf the payment of his Sol- 
diors other Creditors and the 
Contrye 

M d there wilbe further dewe to him and his 

XX 

Band of Harquebufiers for iiij xj daies to end the 
laft of June 1570 at cxvjs. per diem ut antea 
And then thole dewe to' 

and for the laft of June 1570 

ut fupra is 



xlij 15 

lxvj s viij d 



cxxvij u vj s 
x d ob r . 



11J nij xvi u V11J S 
viij d ob. di. q r 



11J VIIJ 1HJ xij 

xiij s v d di. q r 
ir. 



iifi 



DXXV1J U XVJ S 

irifh 



iiij iiij xx*i ix? v d di. q r 

ir. makinge 
1 1 1 

mmmcccxv" vij s ob. q r di- 
fterling. 

What 



2o6 Letters and Papers from the 



What Checques are to be defalked or mvnicions fithence 
the laft of Septembre 1569. what viclualles are deliuered by 
John Thickpenny in Mvnfter during his aboade there or 
what further impreftes by are bene deliuered in Ireland 
fithence the laft of marche 1570 I knowe not. 11 

[Endorfed : — ] Sur Humfrey Gilbertes Reconing. 



The Earl of Ormond to Mr. Heneage. Gylberte's 

Services. 

Extract 

S r wheare youe wryte of S r Gilbertes farvice, being com- 
mended from hens, and fo well lyked by the counfeill there. 
Allthoughe m r Gilberte did vfe fomme travayle and care, in 
caftinge water on the fyre, wherby the flame ceafed, for a 
tyme, yet quenched he not the cooles in fuche forte, But that 
as grete a flame beganne w th afmoche heate, as confumed 
fomme tyme a houndred at ons. And I dwellinge nere, 
where this mifchief was, could not be a ftranger to there 
procedinges in the weft. But that w ch dud mofte offende 
me, and move me to wryte myne opinion of his farvice then, 
was that, I founde' the weft where he farved in fuche diforder, 
as the Quenes Officer had a houndred and moo of his men 
flayne by the rebell James fitz moryce, and no true fubiect 
could travayle in quiet there, w tb out dawnger of lyfe. I have 
bene at excedinge charges during this tyme of my Sarvice 
in Thomonde, not onely in furniftiinge myne awne men w th 
vicluall, But alfo fuche foldio rs as farved w th me this laft 
io r ney; I victualled vppon myne awne money, (as they can 

witnes 

11 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXX. No. 36. 



Englifh Archives. 



207 



witnes themfelves) This was I fayne to do, for that my 
Lorde Deputie told me he had no money left to delyver vnto 
me. Whate enterteynement Gilbert had, I nede not to wryte 
for that youe knowinge his place, and company may fone 
gefs his entertaynement, (w ch I envie not) But I wold the 
Quene knewe, whate differens there is betwen him that 
farveth at his awne purfs, w th nombers of men, and he that 
receaveth pay for him felf and his men. I haue written vnto 
youe a difco r s of my procedinges in the thomond, in another 
lettre by my fervaunte Richarde White. And do fend youe 
herinclofed a brief note of all the caftels there that be of any 
value w ch I brought to obediens, and ftand vppon affurance, 
w th the Names of the pledges that remayneth for the per- 
formance of the fame. At my reto r ne this laft io r ney out of 
Thomonde, I put to execution two notorioufe malefacl:o rs who 
were the chefeft Inftrument that James fitz morice had fins 
the begininge of his rebellion w th fowre of there men, and 
fent there heades, to my Lorde Deputie, as a token the reft 
of my farvice, and doinges there, I hope my lorde Deputie, 

and counfeill will more at lardge aduertife thether 

From [my] hovvfe at Carrick this iiij th of Julii 1570. 
[Signed] Yours veray affured 

Thomas ormonde. 12 

July 4, 1570. 

\_Addr effect: — ] To my veray loving frend M r Heneage. 

12 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. XXX. No. 68. 



Abstract 



2o8 Letters and Papers from the 



Abstract of Sir Humfrey Gylberte's letters Patent 
as Surveyor General of Horses, Armour, &c. 

1571 June 25. 

An abftracte of the effedluall clawfes contayned in her 
ma tes Ires. Paten tes dated at Wefton. the 25 daye of June in 
the 13 yere of her highnes raigne graunted for feaven yeres 
to S r humfreye Gylberteknighte toochinge thexecucion of 
the Acle made Anno tricefimo tercii henrici oclaui intituled 
an Acle for the mayntenaunce of artyllerye debarringe 
vnlawfull games And of the A6le made Annis quarto & 
quinto Philippi & Marie intituled An Acle for the hauinge 
of horfe armor and weapon &c as followeth. 

1. A commaundemente to the L Keper and L Chauncel- 
lor of England for the time beinge that theye for feaven yeres 
nexte infuinge the date of the faide patentes at the requefte 
of the faide f r humfreye Gylberte mail make Commiffions 
vnder the greate feale &c retornable into Thexchequier to 
be directed to futche difcreete perfons as vnder the handes 
of fix of the pryvie Counfell fhalbe thereunto named and 
appointed to inquier of and vppon the faide feuerall 
ftatutes &c. 

2. Auclhoretye given to fix of the pryvye Counfell for the 
time beinge at the fuyte of the faide f r humfreye from time to 
time duringe feaven yeres to nominate & appointe the faide 
Commiflioners and to auclhorife them to compounde w th the 
perfons offendinge the faide ftatutes accordinge to futche 

rates 



Englifh Archives. 209 

rates and inftruccions as from time to time to be fente to the 
faide Lorde Keper or L Chauncellor beinge fubfcribed w th 
the handes of fix of the pryvye Counfell and to be annexed 
to the faide commiffions fhalbe limited and appointed So 
alwayes that euerye perfon fo compowndinge paye theire 
monye to the faide f r humfreye or his deputye w th in futche 
time as by a bill indented betwene the faide Commiffioners 
and them fhalbe limited. 

3. A commaundem 1 to the faide Commiffioners that in 
cafe anye perfon fhalbe founde offendinge the faide ftatutes 
and doe not compownde Then theye to certefye into the 
Cowrte of Exchequier his or theire defawltes that mail fo 
refufe to compound to thende that theye maye fuffer 
thextremetye of the lawes w th owte that theye fhalbe dif- 
chardged by anye feconde compoficion to be made in 
that behalf. 

4. And for the better anfweringe of the monye comminge 
to her ma ty by the faide compoficions fhe hathe commanded 
the faide f r humfreye that he fhall cawfe the fame compofi- 
cions to be written in bills indented whereof one parte to be 
figned w th the handes of anye of the faide Com- 
miffioners and of the faide f r humfreye or his deputye &c 
and of the perfon compoundinge fhalbe certefied into 
Thexchequier And the other parte thereof to be figned 
by the faide Commiffioners and the faide f r humfreye 
or his deputye &c mail remayne w th the perfon fo com- 
poundinge for a remembraunce of his difchardged in that 
behalf. 

27 5. The 



2io Letters and Papers from the 



5. The faide f r humfreye Gylberte is appointed generall 
Receyvo r of all the fommes of monye growinge by the faide 
compoficions And he to ftand accomptable for the fame in 
the Cowrte of Exchequier- 

6. A graunte to the faide f r humfreye in confideracion of 
his fee and travell to be taken in and abowte the Colleccion 
of the monye aforefaide of thone moyetye and one fyvethe 
parte of thother moyetye of the faide fomme and fommes 
of monye And that the faide f r humfreye mail enter into 
bonde in the Cowrte of Exchequier before the receavinge 
of anye of the Commiffions aforefaide for the true accompt- 
inge and anfweringe of the faide fowre partes growinge to 
her highnes by anye the meanes aforefaide. 

7. A commaundemente to the L Threfourer & Juftices 
of bothe benches &c to awarde writtes and other proceffes 
againfte futche as will not compownde To thende theye 
maye fuffer thextremetye of the lawes And after the recov- 
erye of anye futche fomme and fommes of monye to deliuer 
vnto the faide f r humfreye or his deputye &c. thone moyetye 
thereof and the fifte parte of thother moyetye And the fower 
partes of that other moyetye remayninge to be payde into 
Thexchequier as aforefaide- 

8. A farther commaundem* to all Judges and Juftices that 
theye after notice giuen vnto them in futche manner & 
forme as in the faide Ires, patentes is mencioned mail not 
award anye proceffes againfte the perfons fo compoundinge 
for anye the offences w ch theye haue compounded for before. 

9. And 



Englifh Archives. 



2 I I 



9. And for a more furer difchardge of the perfons fo 
compoundinge a commaundemente to the L Threfowrer 
and Barons of Thexchequier that theye vppon requefte of 
the faide S r humfreye or of his deputie &c or of anye the 
perfons fo compowndinge mail certefye by one tranfcripte 
vnder the feale of the faide Cowrte of Thexchequier to L 
Keper or L Chauncello r for the time beinge the names of 
all the perfons compoundinge and w ch fhalbe contayned in 
anye one certiflcat from the Commiffioners And a like com- 
maundement to the faide L Keper or L Chauncello 1 " that 
theye vppon requefte as is aforefaid fhall paffe theire par- 
dons in that behalf And that there fhalbe no more fees 
payde for the fame tranfcriptes and pardons then as thoughe 
theye did contayne but onlye one name and perfon. 

10. A graunte on her Ma tes parte to pardon none after 
compoficion made, or after certiflcat or Informacion thereof 
entered in forme aforefaide, fave onlye for her fow r partes 
referved as aforefaide. 

11. A Prouifo that yt be fpecefied in the Commiffions 
and inftruccions aforefaide that the Commiffioners haue not 
to doe w th anye of the nobilytye nor futche other perfons as 
in the faide Ires, patentes are excepted Onles they will of 
theire owne mindes make compoficion. 

12. A farther Prouifo that the faide Commiffioners fhall 
not make anye compoficion w th anye perfon againfte whom 
anye Informacion fhalbe then dependinge And if theye fhall 
make anye futche compoficion then the fame to be voyde. 

13. A 



2 12 Letters and Papers from the 



13. A warraunte and difchardge to the L Keper or L 
Chauncellor and to the pryvye Counfell And to the L 
Threfowrer and Barons of Thexchequier and to all and 
euery other perfons, for the doinge of anye thinge contayned 
in the faide Ires. Patentes. 

14. A warraunte that the Commiffions aforefaide fhalbe 
made and paffed w th owte payinge anye fee or fees for the 
fame. 

15. A warraunte to all Officers and others to whom yt 
fhall appertayne to exonerate the faide f r humfreye for the 
fommes of monye giuen and graunted to him by the Ires. 
Patentes aforefaid And alfo to exonerate the faide perfons 
compoundinge as aforefaide. 13 



Lady Katharine Mountjoy to Lord Burghley. 
Lease of house for Copperas Works. 

1572 February 15. 

My very good Lorde. S r Humfrey Gilbert hathe bene 
w th me, aboute the takinge of my houfe, who wifhethe me 
to give yo r Lordflrippe to vnderftande thereof. We have 
agreed, that if they can not mak Alam and Coperas, but by 
my L: or by havinge of my houfe then he to paye me for it 
500 1 ! yearelye, if otherwife 400^ yerelye And for the triall 
thereof, if it woulde pleafe yo r L: to appoincle twoe of yo r 

learned 

is Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Vol. LXXVIII. No. 46. 



EngliJJi Archives. 



213 



learned counfaill, I will have other twoe, and vpon their 
Judgements, the matter betwene vs fhalbe ended, Thus, 
defiringe the contynuaunce of yo r L: frendfhippe in confid- 
eringe my L: poore eftate, I take my leave, from my 
Lodginge this xv th of Februarye in a dni. 1572. 

Yo r lo poore frend 

Kath Mountioy. 14 

William Meadley to Lord Burghley about trans- 
forming iron into Copper by vitriol. 

April 19, 1572. 

Sithens yo r honors able difcreffion can decipher the depth 
of my intendyd woorkes, and yo r noble natur leavith no 
honeft caufe eyther vnfuported w* counfell, or vnprotecled 
w th Juftice, I am more glad that yo r vertue mail be Judge of 
my honeft accions, then happie by affurance of any other 
profytt. And for that my courfe is encomptred w* con- 
traryes, I am conftraned to apeall to yo r honors worthie 
dereclion whearvnto I hvmbly corny tt my felff in theis en- 
fewinge cauffes, begone betwixtt the rightt ho. fir thomas 
fmyth, fir homfrey gilbartt & my felff a yeare paft, for the 
tranfmvtinge of yron into copper w th vitrioll, (the doinge 
whearof we agrede fhuld be at wenchelfey & thervpon they 
derecled me to take a houfe ther & provide all futch vtenfylls 
as to the woorke belongid. And becaufe vitrioll cold nott 
prefently be broght from beyond the feas, I was apoincled 
by fyr thomas fmyth to employ my labor to other works of 
his pleaffur, & to thatt end I rec d of his ho & fyr homfrey 

100! 

14 Vide, State Papers, Dome/tic, Elizabeth, Vol. LXXXV. No. 45. 



214 Letters and Papers from the 

iool & beftowed 94^ therof prefently in london accordinge 
to his wyll, departting then to wenchelfey, wheare I taryed 
vij weekes in a compliffhinge ther deffyers, & then retorned 
to fhowe them whatt I had done w ch they lyked veray well 
Butt after I had at lardge dyfcoorffed, how vnfytt a place 
wenchelfey was for theis purpofles, & w th all that vitrioll 
mightt be mayd in england, they wer deffyrus I fhuld make 
prooff alfo therof for w ch purpoffe they delyverd me an other 
ioo 11 & fo I departted to poole, whear w th in one month (to 
my greatte chardge) I founde a way to woorke w th earthes in 
as greatt perfection & more proffytt then w th vitrioll, this 
(when I had mowed them) we determyned to take my la 
mountioyes myns to w ch purpoffe they willed me to retoorn 
to poole and make my practice to the greateft prooff e I culd, 
& in the meane tyme promyfed to take a leafe of my la. 
monttioy in all our names of the groundes ther, wheare I 
told them that althogh I had mayd lardge proff that copper 
mightt be mayde, yett I dyd the fayme w* greatt labor in 
makinge natur ripe by artt in the earthes, w ch otherwiffe 
wold come to no perfection tyll they had layne 10 or 12 
monthes vnwaffhed that, ther lycors then mightt be in full 
ftrength, well vpon this plott I left them & fo toke my iorney 
to poole wheare I taryed 3 wekes nott hearing from them & 
in that fpace they travaled w th my la montioye for a leafe of 
hir groundes, in ther tow names only excludinge me outt of 
the fayme, & yett wrytt me ther Ires. (w ch I have) thatt all 
was difpatched & the leaffe taken in all our names wyllinge 
me to enter my la houfe as our own, & fentte me one dyck- 
konfon my la man willinge me by ther Ires, to explayn to 
the fayd dyckonfon the manor of our fecrett of copper mak- 
ing 



Englifk Archives. 215 

ing & fo to putt hym in truft w th the whole woorkes, & my 
felff to com vpp & practtis the fyrft woorkes att wenchelfey. 
this ftrange news ftirred me to come to london, wheare I 
found nothing done that they had wrytten me, butt they had 
conceueyd of a leaffe & drawen the fayme & ytt was fub- 
fcribed of both parttes & my name never mentioned therin. 
Whearatt (after I had longe ftormed) they laftly altered that 
coorffe & travaled for a leaffe in all our names for one yeare 
w ch was effected by my own atendance heare vj wekes after 
& att feptember laft I entered my la houfe, fynding god 
know th fmale ftoore of earthes & the fayme nott vnwaffhed 
above a month att no tyme, fo as I was then enforcd to fett 
pyoners of woorke for the digginge of earth of my own 
coft & had of them no one grotte more then the flrft fayd 
ioo 1 .' w ch was layd outt longe befoore, & yett dyd they receyve 
of my frynd thomas curtefle for me & of my own money 
threfcore poundes back agayn of thatt 200" w ch I rec d of them, 
thus dyd I enter the woorkes laying outt 100" or more for 
earth digginge & 50" for lead w ch is ther extantt in dyvers 
greatt caldrons, things moft fytt for our greatt woorke, the 
previledge whearof I longe expedited thynking lyttle my 
name fhuld have bene excludyd theroutt well att laft they 
wrytt me hir ma*! 6 had ftayd the grantt, & then I was con- 
ftranyd to alter my purpoffe in the myns for wheare I fhuld 
have manvrd my earth to coper making, it ftood me now 
vpon to waffh outt the fayd earthes & employ ytt to the 
ancyentt woorke of coporus, therby to dyfpence w th the rentt 
& my greatt chardges, w ch I dyd & fo continewyd tyll novem- 
ber laft fethens whan, tyll w th in this 10 dayes ther hath nott 
bene one tone of flooffe mayd & yett have I payd att the 

leaft 



2i6 Letters and Papers from the 

leaft xxv 1 ! every month to the woorkmen over & above the 
rentt w ch thing I mvft nedes do (as mall well apeare,) & my 
felff fpentt the tyme heare : in atendinge a new leaffe att my 
la handes w ch after I faw delayd I roode down to poole & 
ther have payd all the money that was dew in every fortt for 
& conferning the myn matters & all other things & have 
taken the beft order I can for the making of coporus & alame 
the chieffe praclyffes whearof I dar nott putt in vfe tyll we 
have forther entereft in thes myns or fome other, for feare 
my lorde monttioy gett knowledge of the fecrettes therof 
w ch to do he & his fryndes go veray inderecltly aboutt. Thus 
have I told yo r ho rvdly the whole eftaytt of the myns w ch as 
I have fayd I culd neyther, by the forfayd ocaffions make 
able for copper making, ne yett rayfe other comodaty fuffy- 
cyentt to pay the chardge therof fo thatt I looke to end 
a greatt lofer therby through the dealings that hath bene 
offeryd me the coniidration whearof I hvmbly comytt to 
yo r noble felff, & fo to my now determynation. It pleafyd 
yo r honor att my fpeaches w th yo u to take pity of me & nobly 
promyffed to move hyr riall Ma tie for me that my name 
mightt be encludyd in the previledge vpon w ch woord I have 
relyed ever fithens, & forborne (by good reafon) to troble yo r 
weightier affaires w th thies trifflinge caufes of myn & foraf- 
mvtch as the new leaffe paffed nott betwixtt yo r ho & my la 
monttioy I thoughtt it befl to feke an other foyle w ch I have 
acordingly done & found dyvers that is veray good for alame 
butt the vitteroll ftone I have nott yett founde in futch place 
as is comodius for water & fewell, butt hearinge of an apar- 
ance of futch a myn in yorkefhier & alfo of a well ther w ch by 
all lykloode corny th from futch a vayne I have provyded my 

felff 



Englifh Archives. 



217 



felff to ryed theather & make prooff of ther vertues & fo cer- 
tyffye yo r honor therof. In the meane tyme perceyving my 
felff fcorched w th yll reportt, & fynding by m r gylberttes Ires, 
that he lokith to have atendance of me in things that my 
natur can nott nor wyll nott pennytt, I have thoghtt belt to 
lay befoore yo r honor this dyfcors of all my doings in thies 
cauffes, offering nottw th ftanding all my former loffes, to pay 
prefenttly in redy money befoore yo r honor all futch money 
as I ever rec d of hym & fo to clenffe my handes of futch 
pytche for fuerly my lo. futch is his vayn joolofy of my doinge 
as I wyll noway enduer. therfor I wold have hym to receyve 
all the ftooff that is at wenchelfey (as thyngs that can do me 
no pleaffur) & I am contentt to have loft all this years travayll 
togeather w th the money that I have vaynly fpentt & by re- 
pentance fo deare as to pay them all ther money agayn w th outt 
farther acomptt or putt ytt in ther choife to ftand to the 
acomptt of the houfTe w ch as it is nott proffyttable throgh the 
loufe dealinge that I have fuferyd fo might t it have bene 
worth iooo 1 ! or 2 this yeare, even by coropus & alame as fmall 
ftore of earth as ther was, yf eyther I had bene in certaynty 
of a fvorther leefe whearby I mightt have mayd full pro- 
viffion or yf I had bene encludyd in the Ires, patentt both 
w ch fyth I wantt & w th all fynd m r gylbertt to reguard no 
woord nor bond that he fpeakyth or makyth to me or my 
fryndes butt thynkyth by his contenance to overlooke me I 
am determyned to have no fvrther to do w th hym, butt by 
yo r honorable derection onleffe he offer me vyolence or yll 
wordes w ch yf he do att his own perill for I entend to beare 
none my good wyll & paynfull endevor hath bene to greatt 
& his dealinge futch as yf it come att lardge befoore yo r 

2S honor 



2 1 8 Letters and Papers from the 

honor I thynk yo u wyll nott lyke well therof. In the reft 
(my good lo) I fubmytt my felffe to yo r grave counfell & am 
moft ready to make playn to yo r ho. the trew cyrcvm fiances 
of copper making in futch fortt that yo r honor mail well per- 
ceyve that it is to be mayd in as greatt abondance as ever I 
fpoke of in as good perfection yea & w th as lyttle chardge 
for yf hir Ma tie wyll voutfaffe to grantt me futch benyfytt 
therof as my parttnors vndertoke I fhuld have, I wyll be 
bounde to yo r ho that lett me have only earth digged vp in 
a place wheare I wyll opoynclt & after I have manvrd the 
fayme one 12 months, I wyll thenceforth make every yeare 
100 tons of perfeclt copper voyde of all defecates & rayfe in 
the fayme place, afmvtch money as fhall dyfpence w th the 
whole chardge therof afwell yron as men's waiges & every 
other coft. this thing yf I do nott lett me lofe thatt credytt 
w ch I deffyer to have w th yo r honor whofe raer vertues & able 
wyfdom I fo far revarence, that yf hyr Ma atie deny me hyr 
grantt, I wyll explayn the fecrett att lardg to yo r honor that 
it may be employed to yo r benyfytt to the rightt honorable 
lord of lecefters acording to yo r previledg & I wyll vtterly re- 
fuffe all comodaty therof betaking my felff to fome other 
corfe & thynke my felff rightt happy that I have anythinge 
worthy the prefenttinge to fo vertuous & noble a gent, 
whofe greatt zeale to trew Juffcice & noble dyfpofition to 
every mans good this happy tyme hath well feltt & of me fo 
far honored as I proteffc befoore god to acomptt more of yo r 
good opynion than of all the fecrettes that I have or fhall 
tyll I dye, the fervyces whearof I hvmbly to yo r good devo- 
tion whan yo u pleaffe to comand them, & fo craving pardon 
for this boldnes, I leave yo r honor to thalmightty god who 

bleffe 



Englijli Archives. 



bleffe yo r dayes w th all happynes to godes glory & yo r noble 
harttes deffyer. this xix^ of apryll 

Yo r honors w th all my fervyce 
for ever 

WlLLYAM MEADLEY. 15 

[Addreffed : — ] To the rightt honorable and my fingulor good Lord the Lord 
Burghley. 

William Meadley to Lord Burghley, on changing 
iron to copper by vitriol. 

May 19, 1572, 

Having longe & to my greatt chardges expedited an end 
of the coper matters (my rightt noble lo) I fynd my felff fo 
encomptred by m r gilbarttes mallyce & fowle polycye, w tb outt 
any originall of truth Juftice or honefty, thatt I may well 
dyfpaire, how to reap the good of my own honeft deferttes, 
onles the vertue of yo r noble lo wyll bring my inocenfy 
abroade, to whom as of earft I mayd a lardge dyfcourffe of 
thes cauffes, fo am I (eftfons bolde) to troble yo r honor, w :h 
my hvmble petifion for a fpeedy end therof. Sithens I few 
yo r lo. I have w th greatt delygence foughtt in dyvers contreys 
for an aptt foyle to thes purpoffes & I have att laft founde 
one w th in 60 myles of this towne that aboundyth fo mvtch w th 
all maner of nedfull ore to our behove, fo ftored w* fewell 
neare the fea & futch plenty of the fea weede theraboutt, 
thatt I can wyflh no better place, & I am offred xxx tie akers 
of the fay me grown d w th a fay re dwelling houffe vpon ytt & 
fynally ever} 7 other thyng thatt may fteade o r neceffary vfe, 
(fave only vtenfylls w ch I can provyde my felff) for xx H rentt a 

yeare 

1 5 Vide, State Papers, Dome/tic, Elizabeth, Vol. LXXXVI. No. 14. 



2 20 Letters and Papers from the 



yeare & the fayme grownd is to be had by leaffe or other- 
wyfe as may beft feme good to yo r honor. Hearof I thoughtt 
ytt my bounden duty to tell yo r noble lo. moft hvmbly crav- 
ing yo r honors anfwer wheather I mail be encludyd in the 
patentt or no. thatt yf I be I may w th all fpeede go in hand 
to manvre this forefayd foyle, & perfeaver to the effectt of 
my wrytten promyffes, & yf I fhall nott then (my noble lo.) 
lett ytt fvffyce that I have done my beft endeavor, & rec d 
futch repulffe as I thynke never was offred poore gentylman, 
by the coruptt hvmor of m r gylbertte, whofe lowffe dealinge 
in thes & other greatter cauffes wyll be mayd planeor to yo r 
honor, when yo r oportvnaty wyll permytt the hearing therof 
In the mean tyme forafmvtch as this matter of tranfmvtation 
ftandyth only vpon the ripyng of earthes & now is a chieff 
tyme for the fayme, I wyll vpon yo r honorable promys thatt 
my name fhall be in the patentt, departt hearehence & take 
order for diggyng the foyle & fpeedy effeclting of every other 
pvrpoffe. And for thacomptt w ch is betwyxtt the rightt hon- 
orable fyr thomas fmyth m r gylbertt & my felff, becaufe fyr 
thomas is abfentt & we are joynttly bounde to my la montt- 
ioye for the rentt of hyr houffe w ch is nott dew tyll feptember 
nextt, I thynke ytt my beft to lett the whole reckning reft 
tyll thatt daye, when yo r honor fhall be Judge to my vfaige 
in each accion both paffed & to come, the confederation 
whearof I moft hvmbly comytt to yo r noble felff, & my fely 
fervyce w th all thatt I can do to yo r honorable devotion, as to 
one whome I do & mofl trewly honor in the rightt of yo r lo 
raer vertues w ch god encreaffe to yo r honors chyeff felycytye 
& happy nes this 19 of may 1572 

Yo r honors in all hvmblenes to Comand 
[Signed: — ] Willyam Meadley. 

poftea. 



Englifh Archives. 221 



poftea. 

Yf hyr riall Ma tIe wyll nott be my grativs la fo far as to 
enclud my name in hyr highnes grantt, then my lo. yf yo r 
honor pleaffe to exclude gylbartt (to whom I am & ever wyll 
be fo greatt an enymy in thes cauffes as he hath defervyd) I 
mail take the foyle for my lo of lecefter & yo r lo & make the 
cvnnyng manyfeft to any yf yo u pleaffe to apoynclt me, acord- 
inge to the dewty of my promys, w th whatt fpeed yo r honor 
mail comand me as know th god to whom I hvmbly comytt 
yo r honor, moft bounden 16 

[Addrejfed ; — ] To [the rightt hon]orable and [my veray goo]d Lo. the L. 

[Bur]ghley heigh Secretor[y] to the Quens excellent MaH e and 
knight of the honorable order of garter. 

Petition of divers gentlemen ; endorsed, Sir Humfrey 
Gylberte, Sir George Peckham, etc. 

March 22, 1574. 

To the Queenes mofte excellent maieftie, our mofte gratious 
fouereigne lady. 
Mofte humbly befeecheth your mofte excellent maieftie, 
your faithfull fubiects dyuers gentlemen of the weft partes in 
yo r Realme of England, That it will pleafe yo r Highnes of 
yo r mofte noble Difpolition and fauour to the Chriftian 
faithe, and the honnour of yo r maieftie, and proffit of your 
Realme and Subiectes, To alowe an enterprife by vs Con- 
ceyued, and (with the helpe of god) vnder the protection of 
your mofte Pryncely name and goodnes, at o r charges and 
aduenture of o r perfons and goods, to be perfourmed, for 
difcouery of fundry Ritche and vnknowen landes, Fatally, 
(and as it feemeth by gods prouidence) referued for England 

and 

16 Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Elizabeth, Vol. LXXXVI. 



222 Letters and Papers from the 



and for the honno r of yo r ma ty ; Of w ch Attempt, wee haue good 
and probable Reafons to affure vs, eafye and feifible meanes 
to atteyne it, and the Comodities bee large, withoute Iniury 
or iuft offence to eny Prynce of Chriftendom, As wee wilbee 
redy to fhewe, where yo r ma ty mall commaunde : And if it will 
pleafe yo r ma ty to graunte farther vnto vs, yo r highnes fauo r - 
able Commendacions to futch Prynces and States as fhalbee 
Requifit, as of yo r true and laufull Subiecles. And that yo r 
ma ty will give vs encooragement, with yo r highnes mofte 
Royill and gratious graunte, and promife, That when o r 
trauaills (hall faule oute to good and profitable effecte, w r ee 
w th o r Company and parteners may haue futch Affurance and 
priuiledge of yo r mofte pryncely goodnes, as it {hall not bee 
leefull for others to enioy the frute of o r labours and aduen- 
tures. And wee fhall not only cary togither w th the benefit 
of Chriftian fayth, the mofte honno r able Renowne alredy 
largely knowen, to the knowen worlde of yo r ma tes mofte 
noble vertues and Souereigntie into the fartheft partes of the 
Earth ; But alfo daylie pray to god longe to preferue yo r 
highnes with all encreafe of honno r and Domynion. 17 

\Endorfed; — ] 833. 22 Martii 1573. Supplication of certen gent, in the weft 
partes for a newe nauigacon. To the Q. Ma tie . 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte's Report, 1572; Dicourse on 

Ireland. 

The v! parte of Ireland onelye inhabited by the Englifh 
men or Subiecl to England called the Englifh pale. 

Ireland more chardgeable in kepinge thereof then profit- 
able vnto England. 

One 

17 Vide, State Papers, Domeftic, Elizabeth, Vol. XCV. No. 63. 



Englifh Archives. 223 



One parte of Ireland of xxx myles longe and viij myle in 
the leaf!: place broade. Off as good ground as eny in Eng- 
land, novve lienge defolate and partely offred by the Quene 
to S r . A, C. v. G. and others to wynne and holde it of hir. 

Reafons of the Dangers of Ireland remaynying vncyvyll. 

Furft remaynyng vncyvill devided in factions and full of 
Rebellions it cannot longe contynue in fo fure ftate as it 
wolde beinge vnited and ftablifhed vnder good lawes. 

For divifion and vprores are caufes of Confufion, a way 
made open to thentrye of enemyes, There cuftome of Re- 
bellion fheweth there defire of monarchie amonge them felves 
as fone as oportunytie is offred. 

They are nowe more apt therevnto by dayly encreafe in 
vfe of warlicke exercifes knowledge and vfe of mvnicion 
w ch nowe is farre other then it was when the people were 
more favadge and barbaroufe. 

Thend of Rebbellion tumultes is vncertaine the contry apt 
to haue ayde of Spanyardes or fcottes or bothe and alfo of 
other Contries and that by warre by mariadge or defire of 
Conquer! vpon cyvill tumultes. 

The fpanyardes defiring conqueft are in great fufpicion 
for ther famyliaritie w th the contrye men ther great traffique 
yerely w th them at the leaft w th vj c faile of Shippes and 
barckes for Fiffhinge onelye befides other. 

Great occafion why fpaine fhuld defire it for neernes of 
Contrye for neceffitie of Fifhing w ch they may not lacke and 
the hablenes of the thinge to be kept and annoyance of us 
beinge enemyes, the licke refon for Fraunce how dangerous 
the loffe of Ireland vnto the Irifh nacion would be vnto 

England 



224 Letters and Papers from the 



England Scottland may be an example of other nacions the 
worffe howe vnproffitable the loffe of the trefure w ch Ireland 
beinge cyvill would yeld England may eafely be geaffed and 
the loffe of the fame to be Irrecouerable, the frutefullnes of 
the foyle the plentye of all vicluelles the ftrength of groundes 
caftells townes w th the nombre and ftrength of Comodious 
and lardge havens do geue manifeft proufe and forwarn- 
inge of. 

What benefltes may growe vnto Ingland by makinge Ireland 
cyvill and vnder Subieclion of good lawes. 

?ebeUion! ed The furft and principall is the affured fubieclion 
of Ireland there quietnes w th out rebellions and therebie 
Expencessaued. a favinge of great expence to treafure w ch nowe 
the crowne of England is often and yerely chardged w th all. 
Ireland kept The fecond is the prefervacion of the Irifh em- 

subiect vnto 1 

England. pj re f rom the conqueft- of the fpaniardes Frenche 
men and other nacions the w dl is nowe more to be dowbted 
then heretofore it hath bene and more perillous for England 
ToEn g :anda then w T hen Callis was Englifhe and if Ireland fhuld 
SfSST 5 alfo be wonne from England Then England fhuld 
be bordered on eche fide as occafion might fone 
fall owt w th vnfure and daungerous neighbours whereof let 
Scotland be a prefident for us. 

The great proffit that in fhort tyme would growe vnto 
England by the revenues of landes, gotten jy^ of wardfhips 
cuftomes, fubfidies, mynes and many other waies w ch may be 
of great valuer in fhort tyme. 

The cuftomes of Merchauntes and Fifhermen by the feas 
w ch alfo may be veary great and profitable. 

The 



Englifh Archives. 



225 



The great proffit that may growe vnto Englifh mer- 
chauntes of Irifh wares nowe in the handes of ftraungers. 

The licke to the Englifh nauye of fiflhing and for 
maintenaunce of the fame better then others w th owt 
exception. 

The kepinge hereby the fpanifhe nacion in fuch advaun- 
tage of pollycye as they fhall feare us, they mail nede us and 
there ftate to fland fubiect to the revenge of o r difpleafures 
to ther great perill, and we to preuent and exempt o r felves 
by this meanes owt of the licke inconvenience and perill of 
fubieclion vnto ther malice- 

The great and yerely proffites that fhall Com of myneralles 
and mettalles w ch may be veary great. 

The maner and way howe to bringe Ireland vnder cyvill 
gouernaunce and howe to kepe them fo w th the chardge 
thereof vnto England. 

Furft drawe from them the trade and relieffe w ch they haue 
of the fpanyardes and let them haue it by traffique of Eng- 
lishmen, w ch fhall not onely procure love of them vnto the 
Englifh nacion but alfo bringe them into that neceffitie for 
ther victuelling and lyving by englifh men as they fhalbe 
dryven to kepe obedience vnto the prince of England and 
amytie w th the Englifh nacion- 

Alfo to haue allwaies the nobilities children of Ireland to 
be pages of honor to the kinge of England to be trayned 
vppe in his Court duringe ther childhode and allwaies to 
haue pledges here of perfons and in tyme fufpicions. 

To haue vpon eche haven of Ireland fortreffes to be made 
to be kept w th a garrifon of Englifh fouldiors and the like in 
euery notable porte towne and this to be done in euery 

29 quarter 



226 Letters and Papers from the 



quarter of Ireland Eafte, weft, north and fowthe, and theis 
to be maynteyned by contrybucion of Irifh inhabitantes 
adioynynge for the defence of them felves and ther goodes 
againfl the fpoiles and incurfions of the wylde Irifh and of 
cyvill broyles. 

Item to let as many tenures in chiefe in Ireland and the 
wardes as they fall to be broght into Ingland. This to be 
done w th exchandge of land w ch the nobilitie and gentlemen 
fomewhat better then theires- 

Item to haue it confirmed by act of parliament that who 
foeuer after a certaine day bringeth eny mvnicion and weap- 
ons vnto the wylde Irifh to forfeit his fhippe and goodes. 

The peticions to be required of the Queenes ma ie . 

Furfl; to haue graunt of the He of Balletymore w th a Frerye 
ftandinge therein vpon w ch ther mufb be a fortification made. 

Secondlie to haue an Hand w th in the harber of Balletymo r e 
in w ch the fpanyardes lye aground duringe the tyme of there 
fiffhinge wherein alfo there muft be a forte made to kepe the 
fhipps in For that thother roade is of fuche lardgnes, as, 
vppon comynge of eny tempeft they are in perill of wracke. 

Thirdly, where the fpaynardes and bifkeins vfe yerely to 
fifhe from the foreland of Balfkey all w ch hir ma ies ftreame 
painge no cuftom to hir highnes to haue afvvell of them as 
of fuche others as fhalbe traffiquers thither for wynes Salt 
Iron and fuche other wares as they bringe fuche reafonable 
cuftome from tyme to tyme as by yo r ma ie fhalbe thoght 
reafonable and convenient. 

Fowrthly, to haue of all fuche fifhe as they take the vj th or 
x th fiffhe of all ftraundgers that fifhe there- 

Fyvetly, 



Englifh Archives. 



22"] 



Fyvetly, to haue graunted vnto me and my parteners 
the pryviledge and onely traffique w th the lordes and 
people of Ireland for fuche Irifh wares and Comodities 
as is nowe traded by the fpanyardes and Irimmen 
onely. 

Sixtly, to haue alfo a pryviledge for wo r kinge of all myner- 
alles and mettalles in Ireland paynge the queenes Ma ie the 
xv th parte Free and compoundinge reafonable w th the awners 
of the landes there. 

Seventhly, to be admyrall of those feas compounding rea- 
fonably w th the 1. admyrall of England for the fame. 

Eightly, to haue one fhippe of a hundred tonnes w th hir full 
furniture of mvnition and all other neceffarye taklinge to be 
geven me by the queenes highnes 

Nynethly to haue Comiffion graunted me from the 
Queenes Ma ie and to my fufficient deputies for punifhmentes 
of offendors fervinge vnder me in fuche maner as vnto hir 
Ma ie mail thoght fitte. 

Tenthly to haue comiffion for levyinge of fiffhermen mar- 
iners and artificers and for takinge vpp and tranfportacion 
from Ingland into Ireland of all kindes of graine butter chefe 
and bacon w th other kindes of victuell for victuellinge of v c 
men that mail ferve vnder 

Eleventhly to haue auclhoritie for apprehencion of Pirates 
of what nacion fo euer they be and the benefites of fuche 
fpoiles as fhalbe found in them. 

Twelvthly to haue graunt of all fuche land and Ilandes to 
be enhabited by my Company as fhalbe wonne by them from 
the wylde Irifhe and fuche licke rebbelles there to holde the 
fame of the quenes Ma ie and hir heires painge hir ij d for an 

acre 



228 Letters and Papers from the 



acre of all landes fo wonne and to enioye the Fee fimple 
thereof. 

The Reafon and Hcklyhode that afwell fpanyardes & 
other Strangers as alfo the Irifh them felves vvilbe willinge to 
yeld and confent vnto the graunt and paiementes of the 
Cuftomes aforefaid is to haue them felves to be defended 
from the violence afwell of the wylde Irifh and fauadge people 
w ch often cutt the cables on the hauke of Fiffhermen and 
Merchauntes there to the lofs of ther lyves and goodes by 
fuffringe the fhippes to run on the rockes for to haue fpoile 
of them as alfo againft the force of pirates by whom they are 
often fpoyled bothe of life & goodes. 18 

[Endorfed: — ] Notes confernynge Ierlande delyvered to S r Jhon Perrott. 

Petition of Gentlemen of the West parts to the 
Lord High Admiral Lincoln respecting a voyage 
of discovery. 

March 22, 1574. 

To the Righte Honorable the Lorde Hyghe Admirall of 
England. 

It maie pleafe y or good L. Certen gentlemen of the Wefte 
Contreie defyrous to adventure o r felves and o r goodes in 
matter of fervice honorable and profytable to the Quenes 
M atie and the Realme, wythe lyke hope of benefytte to arryfe 
vnto fuche as fhall be aduenturers therin, and havinge fondrie 
waies good and probable caufes to leade vs, bothe by o r owen 
vnderftandinge, and the helpe of fuche whoes fkyll and expe- 
rience we haue vfed, haue thought vppon and conceived a 

meane 

18 Vide, Archiepifcopal Library, Lambeth, Carew Manufcripts, Vol. DCXIV. 
page 239. 



Englifh Archives. 229 



meane by dyfcouerie of certen newe trades of Navigation 
and trafyke to advance the Honor of o r foureigne Ladie and 
Countrie, w th enlarginge the boundes of Chryflian religion, 
the benefyciall vtterance of the Commodyties of Englonde, 
the encrefe, and maintenance of feamen, the relief of the 
people at home, and fondry other Commodyties fuche as 
your wyfedome can efelie fe to enfue therof. And for that 
your Honor is her M aties princypall officer for maryne affaires 
and to vs all well knowen to be mode honorablie affected to 
all good fervices, w ch that waie may be atchiued, we humblie 
befeche yow to enter into vnderftandinge therof, by pervfinge 
fuche matter as we haue in the artycles followinge expreffed, 
and further at your Commandemente mail attende vppon 
your Lo. to make yow more ample declaracion of the proba- 
bilytie therof, the meanes that we haue to atteyne hit, the 
Commodyties to growe by hyt, the eafie refolvinge of fuche 
difficulties as maie be obiected, wythoute Iniurie to any 
Prince or Contrey, or any iufte offenfe of amytie, and laftelie 
howe the whole fhalbe performed, wytheoute her M aties 
chardge or adventure, or any other her Highnes trouble, 
more then her gracious allowance of o r good meaninge and 
dyreclion of o r proceadinges. So as we trufte y or Lordfhip 
fhail fee good caufe to be pleafed vppon your full vnderftand- 
inge of o r purpofe, to take the fame into your Protection, and 
as the chief of the enterprife and to whoes honorable place 
hit mofte aptlie perteynethe, to moue and commende the 
fame to her M atie , wherof we doubt not that grete honor fhall 
redounde to your felf and your pofteritie. Whome almightie 
god longe preferue. 19 

19 Vide, State Papers, Dotnesjlic, Elizabeth, Vol. XCV. No. 64. 

Specification 



230 Letters and Papers from the 



Specification in detail of the advantages to be gained 

BY PROPOSED VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY. 

March 22, 1574. 

i. The matter hitfelf is off red to be attempted 
That it is feifible 

What meanes we haue commodioufly to atchiue it. 
The commodities to growe of hit. 

An awnfwere of fuche difficulties & matters as may be 
obiefled. 

That there is no Injurie off red to any Prince or Contrey 
or any offence of amitie 

The off re for performance therof w th oute her M at l es chardge 
or adventure. 

Matters thoght vppon to be praied for her M* 65 good allow- 
ance of the enterprife & direction of the procedinges, alwaie 
both referringe the particularities therof to farder confydera- 
cion & to y? r L p . s advife & Judgement. 

The matter it felf that is offred to be attempted. 

The difcoverie of trafike and enioyenge for the Quenes 
M atie and her fubiedtes all or any landes Iflandes and Con- 
tries fouthewarde beyonde the cequinoftial or where the Pole 
Antartik, hathe anie elevation aboue the Horizone, & w ch 
landes Iflandes and Contries be not abredie poffeffed or 
fubdued by or to the vfe of any Criftian Prince in Europe as 
by the chartes and Defcriptions fhll apeare. 



That 



Englifh Archives. 



231 



That hit is feifible. 

The feas and paffages as farre as Brefyle, Magelane 
ftreightes and the Portugals navigacion to the Moluccas w ch 
all do lie beyonde the zona torrida beinge fo ofte and dailie 
paffed by thofe nations and knowen to o r owen Marriners do 
mew hit poffible, and the more for that the landes w ch we 
feke lienge not onelie beyonde the fayde zone the Courfe of 
the Portugals failinge and approchinge more to the Pole from 
the cequinoclial, draweth ftill more to the temperature of 
Englonde and the knowen regions of Europe. 

The meanes we haue to atchiue hit. 
Shippes of o r owen well prepared. 

The wefte Contrie, beinge the aptefte of all partes of Eng- 
londe for navigation fouthwarde. 

Marryners and failers to whome the paffage almoft thither 
is knowen. 

The good and welkome commodyties that from englond 
fhalbe caried to that people who lienge in the temperature 
of Englond and other partes of Europe cannot but lyke well 
of the vfe of clothe wherin we mofte habonde and the trans- 
portation whereof is molt neceflarie for o r people at home. 

The commodities to growe of hit. 

The enlarginge of Chriftian faythe w ch thofe naked barbar- 
ous people are moft apte to receiue, and fpecyallie when yt 
mail not carrie w th hit the vnnaturall and incredible abfurdy- 
ties of Papiftrie- 

The grete honor to her M atie to haue encreafed the faythe 
and her dominion. 

The 



232 Letters and Papers from the 



The aptneffe and as hit were a fatall Convenience that 
fince the Portugale hathe attained one parte of the newfound 
worlde to the Efte : the Spaniardes an other to the wefte, the 
frenche the thirde to the northe ; nowe the fourthe to the 
fouthe is by gods providence lefte for Englonde, to whome 
the others in tymes pafte haue fyrfte ben offred. 

The encrefe of navygation of Englonde of w ch Commo- 
ditie bothe for welthe and faffetie enoughe cannot be 
faide- 

The lyklihode of bringinge in grete treafure of golde fylver 
and pearle into this relme from thofe Contries as other Princes 
haue oute of the lyke regions. 

The enrichinge of the relme w th all other fortes of Commo- 
dities that the fame landes do beare w ch are lyke to be infy- 
nite and had wythe fmall price, & for the onelie fetchinge : 
and accordinge to the dyverfytie of Clymes yt is mofte lyklie 
that the manifolde diuerfytie of Commodities vvilbe fownde 
& mufte nedes habounde for that by trafike and exportance 
they haue not hitherto ben wafted. 

The fettinge of o r owen Idle people to worke and provid- 
inge for theim bothe w th the travaile of the navigation and 
the worke of Clothes and thinges to be carried thyther. 

The avoydinge of difcommodities and perilles that we be 
now fubiecle vnto when the welthe and worke of o r lande & 
people dependeth partlie vpon the will of o r fkante truftie 
neighbours for ventinge of o r Clothes and Commodyties- 

The abatinge of prices of Spices and fuche Commodities 
that we nowe haue at the Portugales and Spaniardes handes 
wherby they encreafe their riches vppon o r loffe when muche 
Spices and fuche lyke here fpente and boughte deare of 

theim 



Engli/Ji Archives. 



233 



theim do w th the leffe quantitie confume the vallew of o r 
clothes that they receiue- 

The encrefe of the quantitie of golde and fylver that fhalbe 
brought owte of Spaine it felf into Englonde when the 
Commodities comming out of Spaine, by comminge this 
waie cheper, and fo leffe countervaylinge the valewe of 
o r clothes caried thyther, the ouerplus mall come more plen- 
tyfully hither in treafure. 

That we fhall receaue the leffe of Spices and fuche lyke 
Commodities from Spaine, havinge them from elfwhere, and 
fo the more of the retorne of o r Commodities from thence in 
gold and fylver w ch nedes mufle be a grete Commoditie when 
at this daie refervinge muche of o r fpices and foutherne wares 
from Spaine and at dere prices yet the fylver broght from 
thence is faide to be the chief furniture of her M aties Mynte. 

Awnfwer to the difficulties. 

The paflinge of the hole lyne and zona torrida. This 
hathe ben paffed fixe tymes by Magellanus. The zona 
torrida is yerelie in everie voyage of the Portugales to 
the Molluccas paffed iiij tymes, and in everie voyadge to 
Brafyle yt is paffed twice : fondrie of o r owen nation and 
fome fuche as are to goe in thofe voyadges haue paffed 
hit. 

The Portugales whole navigation to the Moluccas befydes 
his iiij tymes in everie voyadge paffinge vndir the CEqui- 
noclial lyethe whollie nere the fame lyne. 

The Contries that we feke fo lie that o r courfe contynuethe 
not nere the lyne but croffinge the fame ftyll haftethe direct- 
lie to the temperature of o r owen regions. 

30 The 



234 Letters and Papers from the 



The perilles of the Spaniardes and Portugales violence 
that fhall envie anie paffadge. Our ftrengthe fhalbe fuche 
as we feare yt not, befydes that, we meane to kepe the Ocean 
and not to enter in or nere anie their portes or places kepte 
w th their force. 

The difpeoplinge of Englonde. It is no difpeoplinge : 
the people habounde as apperethe by the nomber greter 
then can be provided for, and the dalie loffe by execution of 
lawe and no evill pollicye to difbourden the lande of fome 
exceffe. 

The waftinge of marriners & furnyture of fhippinge. It is 
the encrefe of mariners, and the fkylfull forte : and the pro- 
vifion of fhippinge : as by the enfample of Spaine Portugall 
and the Frenche is fene, who haue by meanes of their trafyke 
to the Indias and the Newfoundland a grete nomber of grete 
fhips more then ere that tyme they had, or coulde fet 
aworke. 

The abfence of mariners and fhippinge in farre voyadges 
when we maie nede them at home. This refon is generall 
againft all navigation to forrein partes w ch yet is the trewe 
defence of the realme. 

And in all thefe reafons is to be noted that none are 
to paffe w th oute her M aties permiflion and as to her Highnes 
& her Counfell from tyme to tyme fhall appeare mete to be 
fpared. 

That there is no Injurie &c. 

The Frenche haue their portion to the northe, & direcllie 
contrarie to that whiche we feke. 

In the places alredie fubdued and inhabited by the Span- 
iardes 



Englifh Archives. 



235 



iardes or Portugales we feke no poffeffion nor Intereft, but 
(yf occafion be) free and frendlie trafyke w th them and their 
Subiecles w cb is as lawfull and afmuche w th owte Iniurie as 
for the Quenes fubiecles too trafyke as merchantes in Portu- 
gale and in Spaine hit felf. 

The paffadge by the fame feas that they doe, offeringe to 
take nothing from them that thei haue or clayme to haue, is 
not prohibyted nor can be w th out Inuirie or offenfe of Amy- 
tie on their parte that fhall forbydde hit. 

The voyadges to Guynea and the traffikinge in the Golphe 
of Mexico and the verie places of the Spaniardes poffeffion, 
hathe in the Prefydente of Hawkins voyadge ben defended 
by her M atie and Counfell as frendlie and lawfull doenge, 
muche more this w ch is but paffinge in the open fea by them 
to places that they nether holde nor knowe. 

Befyde that not onelie traffique, but alfo poffeffyon, plant- 
inge of people and habytacion, hathe ben alredie indyed law- 
full for other nations in fuche places as the Spaniardes or 
Portugales haue not alredie added to their poffeffion. As is 
proved by her M aties moil honorable and lawfull graunte to 
Thomas Stuclee and his companie for Torraflorida. Alfo 
the frenche mens inhabytinge in Florida and Brefyle : who 
albeyt they acnowledge the Popes authoritie in fuche thynges 
as they graunte to perteyne to him, yet in this vniuerfall 
and naturall right of trafyque and temporall domynion they 
haue not holden them bound by his power. But do expound 
his donacion to the Spaniardes and Portugales, eyther as a 
matter not perteyninge to the Popes aucloritie, or at lefte 
not byndinge anie other perfons Princes or nations but the 
Spaniardes and Portugales only, whoe only fubmytted them- 

f elves 



236 Letters and Papers from the 



felves and were parties to the Popes iudgement, in that 
behalf. 

The offre for performance &c. 

The Gentlemen that offre this enterprife mail at the 
chardge and adventure of themfelves and ruche as mail 
wyllinglie ioyne themfelves to their Companie performe the 
whole voyadge at their chardges only, and toward the fame 
fhall fet forward fowre good fhippes wherin they will employe 
fyue thowfand poundes : vid 2000 tt in fhippinge, furnyture 
and ordinance ; 2000 in victuals and neceffaries for the 
Company and iooo a in clothes and merchandize fytte for the 
people : wherw th we truft it will be atchived and afterwardes 
as god fhall profper and fend occafion they will at their 
proper coftes purfue the fame. 

Matters thought vpon to be praied &c. 

That her M atie wilbe plefed, to give her Ires. Patentes to 
the Authors and fellowfhip of this voyadge in maner of a 
Corporacion. 

That hit will plefe her M atie in the fame Ires. Patentes to 
giue wordes of her good allowance and lykinge of their good 
meaninge : and to adde fuche Franchize and priveledge as 
in this Cafe is requifyte and in the lyke hathe ben graunted. 

That hit will pleafe her M atie by the fame Ires. Patentes 
to ftablifhe fome forme of gouuernance & authoritie in 
fome perfons of the Companie of this adventure : So as by 
fome regiment, Obedience quiet vnytie and ordre may be 
preferved. 

That hit maie pleafe her M atie to giue alfo her Highnes 
fpeciall Ires, bothe of teftimoniall that thefe adventures be her 

Highenes 



EngliJJi Archives. 



237 



Highenes fubiectes enterpriflnge this voyadge w th her favor, 
and alfo her Ires, of Commendations to all Princes and 
peoples for their loving and favorable enterteynemente & 
trafyke. ^ 

That fome fpeciall rules and orders fuche as the Companie 
mall thynck mete to be kepte emongfl them, maie be con- 
fyrmed by her M aties authoritie : and further fuppley of lyke 
ordinances to be made from tyme to tyme by the gouerners : 
by her Highnes to be appointed for the direction of the 
voyadge, for the agreement and obedience of the parties, for 
the Contribution and chardge, for the equalitie of partition. 
And fpecialle orders to be appointed by her M atie for the 
ftablifhinge of her M aties dominion & amytie in fuche places 
as they fhall arrive vnto : where the fame fhalbe to be donne 
& for the rate and trew anfweringe of her M aties portion- 

Theife thinges brieflie at the fyrfte we haue thoght mete to 
exhibyte to y or Honor, who are hable therof to iudge muche 
better then we are hable to fhewe. Howbeyt if y or L. fhall 
not be fatisfled in any thinge conferninge this matter yt 
maye pleafe yow to fignifye the fame, that we maie attende 
vppon yow w th fuche refolucion as we can giue therin. 20 

[Endorfed; — ] 2.834. To my L. admyrall for the Sowth Voiage of the weftern 
gent. 

"A DISCOURSE HOW HlR MAJESTIE MAY ANNOY THE KlNG 

OF Spayne." 

November 6, 1 577- 

I am bowld (mofl excellent Soueraigne) to exercife my pen 
touching matters of ftate, becaufe I am a fyllie member of 

this 

20 Vide, State Papers, Dome/lie, Elizabeth, as above, Vol. XCV. No. 64. 



238 Letters and Papers from the 



this Common weale of England, and doe not offer my felf 
therein as an Inftrucler, or a reformer, but as a Welwiller to 
yo r Ma tie and my Contrie, wherein the meaner! or fimpleft 
ought not to yeeld them felves fecond to the beft, or wifeft. 
In w ch refpecl I hope to be pardoned, if through want of 
iudgement I be miftaken herein. And fo to the matter. 

The fafety of Principates, Monarchies, and Comon weales, 
reft chiefly on making theire enemies weake, and poore, 
And themfelves ftrong and rich, Both w ch god hath fpecially 
wrought for yo r Ma tes fafety, if yo r highnes fhall not overpas 
good opportunities for the fame, when they are offered. For 
yo r neighbors infelicities through civill warres, hath weak- 
ened and impoverifhed them both by fea, and land, And hath 
ftrengthened yo r Ma tes Realme, both by thone, and thother, 
w ch thinge is fo manyfeft, that it weare more then in vayne, * 
to go aboute to prove the fame, And for that this yo r Ma tes 
Realme of England requireth other confideracions then 
thofe w ch are of the continent, I will omitt them, and fpyn a 
threed propper for o r Englifh loomes. 

Firft yo r highnes owght vndoubtedly to feeke the King- 
dome of heaven, and vppon that fowndacion to beleeve that 
there can never be conftant, and firme league of amytie be- 
twene thofe princes, whofe devifion is planted by the woorme 
of theire confciences. So that theire legues and fayre wordes, 
ought to be held but as Mermaydes fonges, fweete poyfons, 
or macquefites, that abufe w th outward plawfabilytie, and gay 
fhowes. For in troth as in fuch leagues there is no affur- 
aunce : fo chriftian princes ought not for any refpect to 
combyne themfelves in amytie w th fuch as are at open and 
profeffed warres w th god himfelf. For non eft confilium 

omnino 



Rnglifh Archives. 



239 



omnino contra Deum. So that no ftate or common weale 
can florifhe, where the firft and principall care is not for 
goddes glorie, and for thadvaunfmg of the pollifies of his 
fpirituall kingdome, w ch don, yo r Ma tie is to thinck that it is 
more then tyme to pare theire nayles by the ftumpes, that 
are moft readie preft to pluck the crowne (as it were in 
defpite of god) from yo r highnes head, not only by foraine 
force : but alfo by ftirring vp of home factions. And there- 
fore the beft waie is firft to purge, or at leaft wife to redreffe 
yo r owne kingdome of theire fufpecled adherentes. I meane 
not by banifhment, or by fire, and fworde, but by dimynifh- 
ing theire habilities by purfe, creditt and force, Then to 
forefee by all dilligente meanes, that yo r fufpected neighbors 
may not haue opportunity to recover breath whereby to re- 
payre theire decayed loffes ; w ch for yo r fafetie is principally 
to be don, by the farther weakning of theire navies, and by 
preferring and increafing of yo r owne. 

And the deminifhing of theire forces by fea is to be done 
eyther by open hoftilytie, or by fome colorable meanes ; as by 
geving of lycence vnder Ires, patentes to difcover and inhab- 
yte fome ftraung place, w th fpeciall provifo for theire fafetyes, 
whome pollify requyreth to haue moft annoyed by w ch meanes 
the doing of the contrarie fhalbe imputed to thexecutors 
fawlt ; yo r highnes Ires, patentes being a manyfeft fhewe that 
it was not yo r Ma tes pleafure fo to haue it. After the publick 
notyfe of w ch fact, yo r Ma tie is either to avowe the fame (if by 
the event therof it fhall fo feme good) or to difavowe both 
them and the fact, as league breakers ; leaving them to pre- 
tend yt as done w th out yo r pryvitie, either in the fervice of the 
prince of Orange or otherwife. 

This 



240 Letters and Papers from the 



This cloake being had for the raigne, the way to worke 
the feate is to fett forth vnder fuch like colour of difcoverie, 
certayne fhippes of warr to the N. L. w ch w th yo r good licence 
I will vndertake w th out yo r Ma tes charge ; in w ch place they 
fhall certainely once in the yeere meete in effect all the great 
fhipping of Fraunce, Spayne, and Portyngall, where I would 
haue take and bring awaye w th theire frayghtes and ladinges, 
the beft of thofe fhippes and to burne the woorft, and thofe 
that they take to carrie into Holland, or Zeland, or as pirattes 
to fhrowd them felves for a fmall time vppon yo r Ma tes coaftes, 
vnder the frendfhip of fome certaine viceadmirall of this 
Realme ; who maybe afterwardes committed to prifon, as 
in difpleafure for the fame, againft whofe returnes, fix 
monethes provifion of bread, and fower of drinck to be layd 
in fome apt place : together w th municion to ferve for the 
number of five or fixe thoufand men, w ch men w th certaine 
other fhippes of warr being in a readynes, fhall pretend to 
inhabit S te Lawrence Hand, the late difcouered Contries in 
the North, or elfvvheare ; and not to ioyne w th the others ; 
but in fome certaine remote place at fea. 

The fetting foorth of fhipping for this fervice will amounte 
to no great matter, and the retourne fhall certainly be w th 
greate gayne, For the N. F. is a principall and rich and 
euerie where vendible merchaundife : and by the gayne 
thereof, fhipping, vicluall, munition, and the tranfporting of 
five or fix thoufand foldiors may be defrayed. 

It may be faid that a fewe fhippes cannot pofTiblie diftres 
fo many : and that although by this fervice yow take or 
deftroy all the fhipping you find of theirs in thofe places : 
yet are they but fubiectes fhippes, theire owne particule 

navies 



Englifh Archives. 



241 



navies being nothing leffoned therby ; and therefore theire 
forces fhall not fo much be diminyfhed, as yt is fuppofed 
whereunto I anfwere. 

There is no doubt to performe it w th out daunger. For 
although they be many in number, and great of burthen, yet 
are they furnifhed w th men, and munition but like rimers, and 
when they come vpon the coaftes, they do alwaies difperfe 
them felves into fundry portes, and do difbarke the moft of 
theire people into fmall boates for the taking and drying of 
theire fifh, leaving fewe or none above theire fhippes ; fo 
that there is as little doubt of the eafye taking, and carying 
of them away ; as of the decaying hereby of thofe princes 
forces by fea. For theire owne proper fhippinges are very 
fewe, and of fmall forces in refpect of the others, and theire 
fubiecles fhipping being once deftroyed yt is likely that they 
will never be repaired, partly through the decaye of the own- 
ers, and partly through the loffes of the trades whereby they 
maynteyned the fame. For euerie man that is hable to build 
fhippes doth not difpofe his wealth that waye, fo that theire 
fhippinge being once fpoyled, it is likely that they will never 
be recouered to the like number and ftrength but if they 
mould, yt will requier a long time to feafon timbe r for that 
purpofe, all w ch fpace we fhall haue good opportunity to pro- 
ceed in our farther enterprifes. And all the meane tyme the 
forefaid princes fhall not only be difapointed of theire forces 
as aforefaid, but alfo loofe great revenues, w ch by traffick they 
formerly gayned : and fhall therew th all endure greate famine 
for want of fuch neceffarie victualles &c. as they former 
enioyed by thofe voyages. 

It may alfo be obiecled that although this may be done in 

51 acl, 



242 Letters and Papers from the 



aft, yet is it not allowable, being againft yo r Ma tes league : for 
although by the reach of reafon mens Ies may be obfcured, 
yet vnto god nothing is hidden, w ch I anfwere thus. 

I hold it is lawfull in chriften pollicie, to prevent a mif- 
chife betimes : as to reveng it to late, efpeciallie feing that 
god him felfe is a party in the common quarrelles now a 
foote, and his ennemy malitioufe difpofition towardes yo r 
highnes, and his Church manifeftlie feen, although by godes 
mercifull providence not yet throughlie felt. 

Further it may be faide that if this mould be done by 
Englifhmen vnder what colour foever they mould fhrowd 
themfelves, yet will that cut vs of from all trafficke w th thofe 
that fhalbe annoyed by fuch meanes ; and thereby vtterlie 
vndoe the ftate of merchaundife, decaye the mayntenaunce 
of the (hipping of this Realme, and alfo greatly diminifhe 
yo r Ma tes cuftomes to w ch I replie thus. 

To prevent theife daungers (that although yo r highnes 
may at the firft diftres both the French, Spanyfhe, and Por- 
tiugall yet there needeth none to be touched but the Span- 
iardes, and Portingall ; or the Spaniardes alone, by the want 
of whofe traffick there is no neceffity of fuch decaye and 
loffes as partly appeared by the late reftrainte betwene yo r 
Ma ty and them. And the forces of the Spaniardes, and Por- 
tiugalls, being there fo much decayed as aforefaid ; the 
French of neceffitie fhalbe brought vnder your highnes by, 
affuring yo r Ma ty the cafe being as it is, it were better a thou- 
fand folde thus to gayne the ftart of them, rather then yerely 
to fubmitt o r felves fubiecl; to haue all the marchauntes 
fhippes of this Realme flayed in theire handes : wherby 
they fhalbe armed at our coftes, to beate vs w th roddes of our 

owne 



Englifh Archives. 



243 



owne making, and our felves thereby fpoyled both of our 
wealth and ftrength. 

And touching the contynuance of traffick wherew th to 
increafe and maintaine our (hipping, and yo r Ma tes revenues, 
and alfo to provide that the prices of fotherne wares mail not 
be inhaunced to the detriment of the Comon weale : there 
may be good meanes found for the preventing thereof, as 
hereafter followeth. 

It is true, if we mold indure the loffe of thofe trades, 
and not recover thofe commodities by fome other meanes : 
that then yo r Ma ty might be bothe hindred in fhippinge, and 
cuftomes, to the great decaie of the comon weale. But if 
yo r highnes will permit me, w th my affociates, eyther overtly 
or covertly to perfourme the forfaide enterprife : then w th the 
gayne thereof there may be eafely fuch a competent com- 
panie tranfported to the W. I, as may be hable not only to 
difpoffes the S. therof, but alfo to poffeffe for ever yo r Ma tie , 
and Realme therew th , and thereby not only to countervaile, 
but by farr to furmount w th gaine, the aforefaid fuppofed 
loffes ; befides the gowld and fylver Mynes, the profltt of the 
foyle, and the inward and outward cuftomes from thence. 
By w ch meanes yo r highnes doubtfull frendes, or rather ap- 
paraunte enemyes, mail not only be made weake, and poore, 
but therew th yo r felfe, and Realme, made ftrong and rich, 
both by fea, and lande, afwell there, as here. And where 
both is wrought vnder one, it bringeth a moft happy conclu- 
sion. So that if this may be well brought to paffe (whereof 
there is no doubt) then haue we hitt the mark we fhott at, 
and wonn the goale of our fecureties to the immortall fame 
of yo r ma tie . For when yo r enemyes fhall not haue fhippi ng, 

nor 



j 



244 Letters and Papers from the 



nor meanes left them wherby to maintayne fhipping, to 
annoye yo r Ma 1 ? nor yo r fubiectes be any longer enforced for 
want of other trades to fubmitt them felues to the daunger 
of theire arreftes, then of force this Realme being an Hand 
fhalbe difcharged from all forraine perills, if all the Mon- 
archies of the world mould ioyne againft vs, fo long as Ire- 
land fhalbe in falf keping, the league of Scotland maintayned, 
and farther ami tie concluded w th the prince of Orange, and 
the King of Denmark. By w ch meanes alfo yo r ma tie mail 
ingraffe and glewe to yo r crowne, in effect all the Northerne, 
and Southerne viages of the world, fo that none fhalbe then 
well hable to croffe the feas, but fubiecl to yo r highnes devo- 
tion : confidering the great increafe of fhipping that will 
growe, and be maynetayned by thofe long vyages, extending 
them felves fo many fundrie wayes. And if I may perceave 
that yo r highnes mail like of this enterprife, then will I moft 
willinglie expreffe my fimple opinion, w ch waye the W. I. 
maye w th owt difficultie be more furprifed, and defended, 
w th out w ch refolucion, it were but labour loft. But if yo r Ma ty 
like to do it at all, then would I wifh yo r highnes to confider 
that delay doth often tymes prevent the perfourmaunce of 
good thinges : for the winges of man's life are plumed w th 
the feathers of death. And fo fubmitting my felf to yo r Ma tes 
favourable iudgement I ceafe to trouble yo r highnes any fur- 
the r . Nouembris : 6. 1577. 

Yo r Ma tes moft faithful 

fervaunt and fubiecl 21 

[This has been figned, but the fignature has been obliterated with a pen. It 
is, however, conjectured to be H. Gylberte.] 

HUMFREY 

21 Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Elizabeth, Vol. CXVIII. No 12. 



Englifh Archives. 



245 



HUMFREY GYLBERTE TO WaLSYNGHAM. COMPLAINS OF 

Mr. Knoles. 

1578. Nov. 12 

S r as in all my occafions heretofore I have ever founde 
you my mofl honorable freinde, fo in my greteft extremities 
I meane fuch as by falfe fuggeftions maye hazard my creditt, 
I will never difpaier to fynd leffe favo r , duringe the longe 
contrarietie of the wyndes by what perfwafions ledd god 
knoweth M r Knoles hathe forfaken my Companye in my 
pretended iorney and vnto hyme drawen as many as either 
the longe tyme of ftaie by contrarie wyndes have tyred or 
his affeccion allured, w ch is noe otherwife then from the be- 
gynninge I douted for noe curtefie or patience of my parte 
could poffiblie caufe M r Knoles to thinke me either mete to 
direct or advife hym and yet to abide the hardieft conftruc- 
cons that maye be, I never offred fuch caufe as might either 
be a difcreditt vnto him to fufbeyne, or any occafion to breke 
of fo honeft an enterprice, but once before this tyme he in 
like refufed the iorney, wherin by meanes of S r John Gilbert 
my brother he was once agayne reconciled and the brech by 
me omitted and forgotten. But ftill to be trobled w th euery 
fmale furmifed occafion I counte it a greter difturbaunce to 
me then my pretended iorney I hope fhalbe. For w th out eny 
occafion miniftred he often and openly perfuaded my com- 
pany and gentlemen to my difgrace howe much he embafed 
and fubiected himfelf to ferve vnder me Confideringe his 
eftimacion and creditt, accomptinge him felf as he often and 
openlie faied equall in degree to the befl; knightes and better 
then the mofl in Englande, Farther he in my owne heringe 

not 



246 Letters and Papers from the 

not onely vfed me fo difdaynfullie both in fpech and counte- 
naunce as my rafhe and folifh Condicion hath feldome bynne 
fene accuftomed to endure, but alfo taken partes and bold- 
ened fuch of my companye : as I throughe theire brech of 
pece and bloodfhed w th other intolerable diforders have ad- 
monifhed or found fault w th all w ch I held my duetye both as 
a Juftice and governer by comiflion ouer my companye, Far- 
ther in open prefence of gentlemen of all fortes to my grete 
difgrace when I entretid him vnto my table he anfwered me 
that he had money to paie for his dynner as well as I, and 
that he would leve my trencher for thofe beggers that were 
not able to paie for there meles, w ch femed a bare thankes for 
my good will, befides in my abfence he thretened to hange a 
captayne and gentleman of my company called Morgan in 
lyvinge litle or nothinge inferiour to hym felf, And one that 
was not longe before fhrife of the Shiere wherein he dwelt. 
Farther my Lord of Bedforde comaunded M r Heile a Juftice 
of the pece to require M r Knoles in his behalf and all the 
reft of the Juftices in the Quenes Ma ties name to delyuer two 
of his company w ch ymbrued theire handes in the blood of a 
gentleman called John Leonard that was of late wilfullie 
murdered in Plymouth, w ch M r Knoles vtterlie refufed to 
doe, the maio T of the towne S r John Gilbert and my felf 
requiringe hym in like manner, Befids this his men had 
almoft killed a conftable, but they would not be delyuered 
to poniftiment, Farther M r Knoles fhippe toke Holbeame 
a notorious pyratt and did lett hym goe w ch bred me grete 
flaunder of fufpicion of pyracie, Befides he fell in outragious 
termes of daringe of a Juftice of peace w ch thinges together 
w th his difdainfull vfage of me gave me juft caufe to doute his 

tractablenes 



Englifh Archives. 247 

traclablenes at fee that carid fo litle for Juftice counfelo rs & 
Juftices of the peace a fhore. Wherevppon I told hym pri- 
vatlie by waye of counfell as my freind w th out quarell or 
wordes of offence, that he vfed me fomewhat to difdain- 
fullie confideringe the goodwill I bare hym and the place I 
held, and that if he vfed hym felf in this forte and vphold 
fuch as offended by his countenaunce, it would not onely 
kyndle diflike betwene him and me, but alfo brede faction and 
fedicion. vppon this onely it plefed him to take hold, fayeng 
that I called him proude & fedicios, and fo haynoullie racked 
it, that he left my company and conforte, But vnto willinge 
myndes there nedes no grete enforcementes, beyng as it 
femes, by fome of his company perfuaded to runne a fhorter 
courfe, w ch I pray god, it maye turne to his advauncement 
and creditt, for he hath ftore of notorious evill men about 
hym as Loveles & Callice w th others ; Affuringe you that I am 
for ftrenght as well able to performe that w ch I vndertoke 
as I defired havinge of my owne fhipps feaven fayle well 
manned and victualled. So that my onely fute vnder yo r 
honor is, that as you have bene allwayes the piller vnto 
whome I lent, fo I hope you will allwayes remayne in my 
juffce occafions fuch a one as I in goodwill and fervice defier 
to deferue if god of his mercye doe but geve me leve and 
hapely to returne, I then hope you mail fynd that I will at 
laft performe fomewhat of that w ch I in thought and good- 
will have w th my felf longe promifed, defiringe ohelye in this 
matter for the fatisfaccion of the truth, herof and of my be- 
havio r every waye that it maye plefe yo r honor ether to fend 
my Ires, to the Maio r and towne of Plymouth to retourne 
there knowledge of theis my behavio r either els to write to 

my 



248 Letters and Papers from the 



my Lord of Bedford that by him you may be Tatisfled from 
them of the matter. And fo to condemme me if I be found 
fautie, to my reproche wherin I defiere noe favour. And fo 
I mofl humbly Committ yo r honor to god. Plymouth this 
xij th of November 1 578- 

Yo r honors mofl humble 

to Commaunde 
[Signed:—] H. Gylberte. 22 

\AddreJfed : — ] To the Right honorable S r Fraunces Walfingham knight princi- 
pal! Secretarie to her Ma li . e theis be delivered- 

[Endor/ed:—] .12. Nouemb. 1578 

From Sr H. Gylbert of M r H : Knollys vnkynd & yll dealyng 
towards him & others the belt of the Countie of Deuon-: 
whervppon their focietie in the viage is broken of- 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte to Walsyngham 
Explaining Knoles' Conduct. 

Plymouth, Nov. 18 1578 

S r as in my former Ires. (I advertifed yo r hono r ) by what 
ftraunge accident, M r Knoles hathe left the fervice, he 
vnderftooke w th me, before her Ma- e moved by fuch trifles or 
toyes as (vnder yo r honors correction) were meter to breke 
amitie amongeft children, rather than men. So bycaufe I 
doe weye ; in equall ballance, w th lif, yo r honors good opinion 
of me, I thoughte it good, to fende yo r honor this certificat, 
vnder the Maio rs hand of Plymouthe ; and other of her 
Ma ties fervauntes and captaynes, who were prefente ; when 
I publikely defired, M r Knoles, to declare all the caufes, that 

moved 

22 Vide, State Papers, Domejiic, Elizabeth, Vol. CXXVI. No. 84. 



Englifk Archives. 249 



moved hym to miflike. All w ch he did, or could allege are 
particulerly fett downe ; in the faid Certificat, Comittinge 
my felf vppon the fight therof, to be iudged, as the thynge it 
felf mail gyve caufe ; but truely I can geffe noe other, but that 
his pretence was to breke of, from the begynning, and ranne 
this courfe thereby to have cullour to arme to fee. And 
then w th all, either to learne my enterprice, & fo to vnder- 
take the difcouerye of hym felf, as one moved there vnto, 
throughte ambicion, and difdayne, either els to runne fome 
fhorter courfe, w ch I wiflae to prove mete for his callinge. I 
moft humbly befeche yo r hono r to ymparte this certificat to 
the Quenes Ma d . e my Lord of Leceifter, & M r Vicechamber- 
layne, w th fuch other as to yo r hono r fhall feme good. But 
my principall care is, to fatisfie you, above all others, bycaufe 
yo r hono r was thonly meanes of my lycence. And therefore 
as my patrone I ftudie principallie next vnto her Ma tIe , to 
mayntayne my felf in yo r good opinion, whome I my felf will 
honor and ferve duringe lif noe man more. And I truft god 
willinge to bringe althinge to good paffe, theis CrofTes and 
thwartes notw th ftandinge. Moreover my cofen Deny doth 
accompany M r Knoles in this his brech & retire from o r con- 
forte, the caufe of my cofin Denys departure was only for 
that I blamed hym for ftriken of a fayler w th his naked 
fvvorde, whoe had not his wepon drawen deflringe hym to 
leve quarellinge, for that it was a thinge verey vnmete for 
this iorney. And if he left it not I iudge hym not fitt for 
the voyage, wherevppon he verey outragiouflye and w th verey 
vnfemely termes abvfed me in not only challenginge me, but 
alfo in difpitfull manner defyenge me w cb I thought to be 
hardly donne, confideringe I held the place of a Juftice of 

32 pece 



250 Letters and Papers from the 



pece in the country. And thus yo r hono- hath occafion alfo 
of this his fpeech, wherin if I have enformed yo r hono r other- 
wife then trothe, then iudge me a villayne and a knave. For 
better accompte I iudge noe man worthe that fhalbe founde 
vniuft in word and dede. And this I hold for my beft tryall 
And fo I moft humbly committ yo r hono r to god w th my 
duetifull comendacion to my good Ladye. Plymouth this 
xviij th of November 1578. 

Yo r hono rs humble moft allured to Commaunde 
[Signed : — ] H. Gylberte. 

S r I am fympvlly worthe the accomptynge of, but as I am, 
I am and ever wilbe yo r hono rs hvmbull and mofte faythfull 
to commande, and longer then I fhall fhewe my felffe worthe 
(in refpecle of not beynge gylte of villany) of yo r favo r , to be 
adiudged by the tocheftone of every mans honefte I praye you 
leue and forfake me, as one not worthe of yo r protection. 23 

[Addrejfed : — ] To the Right honorable S r Fraunces Walfingham knight prin- 
cipall fecretary to her Ma li . e theis delwer. 

\_Endorfed: — ] 18. Nouemb. 1578. From Sr H. Gilbert with a certificatte of 
the cawfes of M r Henrie Knollys departure from him in this 
viage : wherw* he defyrethe that hir Ma d f & other of my U B may 
be made acquaynted. The cawfe alfo of his coufen Dennyes 
departure from him- 

Certificate of the causes why M* Knoles 

DEPARTURE FROM SlR HuMFREY GYLBERTE. 

Nov. 5, 1578. Plymouth. 

A Certificat of the cawfes of M r Knoles forfakinge the Jor- 
ney, and conforte of S r Humfry Gilbert knighte, alleged 

before 

28 Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Elizabeth, Vol. CXXVI. No. 46. 



Englifh Archives. 



251 



before the Maio f of the towne of Plymouth M r John 
Hele Juftice of pece, and dyuers other gentlemen, the 
fifthe of November 1578 viz 

1. Imprimis the caufes of difcurtefie, that M r Knoles 
could allege; why he would breke of the iorney, w th f Hum- 
fry Gilbert, and leve the voyage ; were that f r Humfry Gil- 
berts faied he was factious, fedicious, and proude ; To w ch T 
Humfry Gibert gave anfwere, as folio weth. 

2. Item he faieth, he never called hym factious, or, fedi- 
cious, but faid, that if he gave countenaunce to men of evill 
and difordered behavio r , then he mould nourrice faction and 
fedicion, w ch woordes f r Humfry Gilbert fpake privatlie to 
hym, and not to defame hym, or by way of quarell, but M r 
Knoles, w th that his publike deniall, would not be fatisfied. 
Except f r H. Gilbert would there openly fwere vppon a boke 
that he never fpake it, w ch f r H. Gilbert refufed, faienge 
othes oughte to be referued for Judges. 

3. Item touchinge the accufinge hym of pride ; f r Humfry 
Gilbert denied not, but that M r Knoles did efteme hym felf 
to much and hym to litle, alleginge that M r Knoles had 
dyvers tymes fpoken woordes to his difgrace and difdaine, 
as difpifinge his knighthoode, faienge he toke hym felf to be 
a better man then xx knightes. And that he often tymes 
had refufed that degree as a callinge he eftemed not of. 

4. Item Moreouer M r Knoles often openly reported that 
he had fubmitted & embafed hym felf, to ferve vnder f r 
Humfry Gilbert, takinge hym felf to be farre better in 
eftimacion, then eny of the company. 

5. Item 



252 Letters and Papers from the 



5. Item Moreouer when S r Humfry Gilbert bad M r Knoles 
to dynner, he anfwered that he had monye to paie for his 
dynner, afwell as he, And that he would leve his trencher, 
for thofe that were not able to paie for theire meles, w cb 
thinge made S r Humfry Gilbert iudge; that M r Knoles 
eftemed of hym verey litle, confideringe the place he held, 
by her Ma ties comiffion. All w ch wordes M r Knoles confeffed 
he fpake. 

6. And yet notw th ftandinge S r Humfry Gilbert toke not 
it, as eny quarell, but femed lothe to leve his Company, but 
noe curtefie or patience of his parte coulde perfwade or con- 
tent hym. 

\_Signed: — ] W M Hawkyns W. Rauley: Myles Morgan 

J HON ROBERTES EDMOND ElTOFTE 

M d one the xij th of November M r Wigmore who was only 
prefente; when f r Humfry Gilberte mould call M r Knoles 
fadtious and fedicious denied the heringe therof, but that 
f r Humfry Gilbert faied to theffe6l as afore by hym felf is 
confeffed and not otherwife then is in the fecond Article. 

[Signed: — ] Myles Morgan W. Rauley: Jhon Robartes 
Henrie noelles Edmond Eltofte 24 

\Endorfed: — ] Certifficatt from diueres men of the towne of Plimmouthe what 
the cawfes of M r Henrie Knollys departure from S r .H. Gilbert 
in his viage. 

24 Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Elizabeth, Vol. CXXVI. No. 46. 1. 



List 



E7igliJ7i Archives. 253 



List of ships officers, ordinance, etc. of Gylberte's 



The names of all the Shippes Officers and gent. w th the 
peces of ordynances in them And the number of all 
the Solgiars and mariners gonne in the viage w th f r 
Humfrye Gilbert knight, generall in the fame, for a 
dyfcouerye to be made by him, who Toke the Seas 
From Plymouthe w th vij Sayles the xix th day of 
November 1578. 

An Ager admirall of the Flete in Burden ccl Tunes 
havinge Cafte peces 24. fowlers 4. one Braffe pece. fir 
Humfry Gylbert generall Henrye Pedly mf his mates. 
Richard Smythe. Botefwane. John Ingliflie m r Battes de- 
putye of his fhip. 

Richard Wigmore efquier 

Thomas Hamonde gent. 

Thomas Skevington gent. 

Edward Ventris gent. 

Jaques Harvye a frenche gent. 



Edward Dethicke gent. 
John Friar phifition 
Surgeons ij. 
Mufitians vj 
Trumpiter j 
Drume j. 



expedition of 1578. 



Nov. 18. 19. 1578. Plymouth 




The whole number of 
• gent, folgiars and mari- 
ners are cxxvj- 



Willm. Heringe gent. 
Thomas Renoldes gent. 
Willm. Stonewell gent. 



254 Letters and Papers from the 



The Hope of Greneway Vice Admirall of clx Tunnes, 
havinge in hir of Cafte peces- xviij fowlers fower. 

Carye Rawlye brother to f r Humfrye Gilberte Capitayne 
Jacobbe Whidon m? his mate John Perdew 
Willm. Horfelye m r Goner 
Henrye Noell efquier. an Ancient by lande 
Robt. Wray gent, 
lame Tulford gent, 
lames Hilfdon gent. 
George Whetftone gent. 
Anthonye Hamerton gent. 
Henrye Barker gent. 
Androw Piper gent. 
Surgeon j Trumpiter j- 



The whole number of gent, 
folgiars and marinars are 80. 



The Falcon w ch was the Quenes fhip of c Tunes havinge 
in hir of Cafte peces — 15. fowlers. 4. doble bafes 12. 

Capitayne Walter Rawlye brother to f r Humfrye Gilberte 
a capitayne of an Ancient by lande. 

Fardinande the Portugale his m r 

Edward Eltope efquier 

Charles Champernewme gent. 

Iohn Robertes gent. 

Iohn Flere gent. 

Thomas Holborne gent. 

Iohn Antell gent. 

Willm. Hugford gent. 



The whole number of 
► gent, foligars and 
mariners are 70- 



The Red Lyon of a cx Tunnes havinge cafte peces xij 
Doble baafes vj. 

Myles 



Englifh Archives. 



2 55 



Myles Morgayne of Tredgar in the Countye of Mulmot 
efquier Capitayne 

Iohn Anthony, his m r his mates Rife Sparowe. black 
Robin 

Edward Marvayle bootefwane. 
Drew Tonne m r Goner 



George Harbart gent. 
Edmond Mathew gent. 
Charles Bucly gent. 
Rife Lewes gent. 
Iohn Martin gent. 
Thomas Nycholas gent. 
Iohn Amerideth gent. 
Lewes Jones gent. 



The whole number of 
gentlemen foligiars and 
mariners are liij- 



The Gallion of 40 Tunnes havinge of Cafte peces vj vid. 
fower fawlconetes one mynien, one falcon. 
Richard Vdall Capitayne 

Cowrte Heykenborow m r his mate Richard Nycols 
Thomas Fowler m r Goner 



Beniamin Butler gent. 
Francis Rogers gent. 
George Worfelye gent. 
Arthure Meffinger gent 



The whole number of gent, 
folgiars and mariners 
are xxviij- 



The Swallow of 40 Tunnes] The whole number in hir of 
Capitayne John Vernye gent. J folgiars and mariners xxiiij- 



The lytell Frigat or Squerrill of viij Tunes 
number of Solgiars and mariners are viij- 



The whole 



The 



256 Letters and Papers from the 



The whole number of gent, folgiars 1 ccc j xv 
and mariners in this Fleete are J 

The fayd fhips were vitaled at thear departure w th Beff 
for thre monethes- 

Item w th Fylhe and Byfcate for a yeare at iij byfcates a 
day for a man. 

W th peafe and Benes for a yeare 

Befydes particuler provifions. 

that f r Humfri his mips came to Darkemothe Auguft 25. 
Dyvers provifions for aparell ftollen away by a pyniffe 
Sept. 8. 

M' Knollis came to Dartemouth the x th of September 

Item he departe to Plymouth the 22 of September 

Item the 26 of September the fayd navy departed out of 

Dartemoth & wear dyfperfed by contrary wyndes, fome to 

the yle of Wyte fome other wayes. 

Item the fayd fhips arived at Plymouth, the 1 5 of October 
Item the 29 of October inbarked agayne from thence, & 

by tempeft inforced to take harborowe, whear they remayned 

vntill the 19 of November. 



The names of the mips officers and gentlemen as 
accompaned m r Henrye Knollis in his viage be- 
gonne the xviij th of November, 1578. 

The Eliphante Admirall beinge in Burden cl Tunes : 
havinge of Caft Braffe peces xij, of Caftte Iorne peces 12, 
fowlers vj- 

Henry Knollis efquier Capitayne. 

Francis 



Englifh Archives. 



257 



Francis Knollis gent his brother, leftenant. 
Olde Morfe his my his mate Thomas Grene. 
Iohn Callis Pilot 
Willm. More m r Goner 
Iohn More Botefvvane 
Fardynando Feldinge gent 
Henry S my the gent- 
Simond Digby gent- 
Everad Digby gent- 
Walter Spanlow gent- 



The whole number of gent 
folgiars and mariners, c. 

Well vitaled for a whole 
yeare. 



Barke Denye vice admirall called the fame a Frigat in 
leangth by the kele lxxij foote having Caftte peces 9 fowl- 
ers ij- 

Edward Denye efquier Capitayne 

John Granger m r . his mates Edward Cales and Blacborne. 
M r Goner Steuen Houlingby "1 The whole number of gent. 
George Hopton gent. i folgiars and mariners are 

Ieremye Turner gent. xxx. 



The Frenche Barke called the Francis of 70 Tunnes hav- 
inge of Cafte peces 4. of doble dogges 6- portugale Bafes of 
BrafTe 2. 

Gregory Fenton Capitayne 

The whole number is xxxj. 

The whole number of gent, folgiars 1 c j x 
and maryners in this Flete J 



33 



Captayne 



258 Letters and Papers from the 

Captayne Sharpam and M r Fofcue are alfo nere in a 
Redynes w th v fhips vittaled for a yeare for ccl perfons 
bounde in a lyke viage- 25 

\Endorfed: —] 18. 

A note of the ftiips and perfons gone with S r . Humfrey Gylbert 

Commission to Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 

Dublin Castle, July 24, 1 579 
By the L. Juftice & Counfell. 

[Signed :] W. Drury. 

Wheare yt certaynlie knowen that the Archerebell James 
fitz Morrice is latly landed in the remote partes of the weft 
of this Realme, w th a poower of ftraungers, w ch ceaffe not w th 
their Tyrannye, to burne and fpoile wheare their forces 
can prevayle to the greate domadge of her highnes fub- 
iecles, and the enquieting of this ftate, and common weale. 
We therfore for the better daunting of the fayd trayto r and 
his accomplices & adherentes in theis attemptes ; having 
efpeciall confidence of yo r activitie circumfpeccion and good 
pollycie do by teno r hereof in her highnes name and behalf, 
aufthorife yow o r loving Freende S r Humfrey Gilbert knight, 
to take vpp and feize for thes parties, fhippes, Barques and 
veffels, apte for warr, and fuch matters, pyllottes & nombers 
of men, and maryners w th in liberties or w th owte fitt for the 
forefaid purpofe, as w th thadvife and confent firft by yo w had 
herein, of o r loving freendes the Juflice Walfhe, the Juflice 
meaghe, Henry Davels Efquier, and Arthur Carter provoft 
marfhall in mounfter or any towe of them if convenyentlye 

in 

25 Vide, State Papers, Dome/lie, Elizabeth, Vol. CXXVI. No. 49. 



Englifh Archives. 259 



in tyme yo w can not have theym all together, fhalbe thought 
requyfite and expedient vnder their handwryting to be tefti- 
fied for the nomber of the men & tyme of their contynuance 
in enterteynement. And do geve vnto yo w , full power and 
audhoritie lykewyfe, to purvoy, provyde and take vppe for 
this her ma tes fervice, afwell w th in liberties as w th out by yo r 
felf or yo r fufficient minifters, fuch quantities of viclels vfuall 
at Seea as mall be mete, neceflarie & fufficient for yo w and 
yo r companies during this fervice payeng redy money or 
agreeng for the fame, according her ma tes Seea rates and 
prices accuftomed. And alfoe lyke au&horitie, to purfue, 
ponnyffhe, correct and plagwe the faid James, and his accom- 
plices, adherentes fawto rs relyevors and maynteno r s by land 
or Seea, to the beft of yo r power by all weys and meanes in 
warr vfuall. And to commaunde, rule diredt and governe, 
afwell eny her ma tes fhipp or fhippes lighting in yo r companie 
as alfo of every other the fhipps, or Barques, and their com- 
panyes in eny haven or harbo r in the partes of mounfter 
remayning, or w ch yo w may fortune to efpye on the Seeas, 
and by yo w thought Fitt for the fervys to be taken and em- 
ployd by yo r direction, in the purfewte, chafing, and plagwing 
at Seea, of the faid rebelliowfe navye and their forces, wall- 
ing and in her highnes name hereby ftreightlie chardginge 
& commaunding all and finguler Mayo rs Sherriffes, Bailiffe 
conftables hedboroughs and all other what foever her ma tes 
officers mynifters and loving fubieftes on land afwell w th in 
lyberties as w th out, and lykwyfe all Captens, ow r ners of fhippes 
or Barques mafters & maryners at Seea, what foever to whome, 
in this caufe yt fhall or may in any wyfe appertyne, that 
vppon fight hereof, they and every of them, be not only 

affiftant 



260 Letters and Papers from the 



affiftant ayding, helping, and obedient vnto yo w the faid S r 
Humfrey in this yo r auclhoryfhment but alfo in every other 
aclion conteyned in fuch Inftruccions, as for yo r furd r direc- 
tion yo w fhall alfo receive from vs herevnto annexed as they 
and everie of theym tender the fpeciall advaunfement of this 
her highenes fo vrgent fervice, and for their defalt & con- 
trary doyeng will be aunfwerable at their vttermoft & ex- 
treme perills. And therefore requyre and chardge yo w in 
her highnes name diligently carefully and circumfpeclly, to 
intend this chardge and fervice and faythfully to execut the 
fame, as o r full truft is repofed in yo r induftry and fidelitie 
in this behalf. Geven at her ma ties Caftell of Dublin, the 
xxiiij th of Julye 1579. 

Ad. Dublin 

[Signed : — ] Wm. Jerrarde 

cane. 

Nichl. Malbie 
Lucas Dillon. 26 

[Addrejfed;—] To o r veary loving Freend S r Humfrey Gilbert Knight. 

[Endorfed ; — ] refe d the 6. of Augufte 1579 

S r Willms Drewryes Ire. of warrant auclhorefinge S r Homfrey 
Gilbert Amirall as by his Ires, and inftructions herinclofed maye 
appere dated the. 24. of July. 1579. 

Sir Iohn Gilberte to Walsingham thanking him 
for favors. 

November 21, 1578 

Allthowght my boldenes be more theane yett owght too 
be In prefumynge too wrytte too yowre ho. beynge a mane 
vnto yowe vnknoen yett I hope apone yowre fauor for thatt 

26 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Elizabeth, Vol. LXVII. No. 47. 



EnglifJi Archives. 



261 



I doo by theafe fewe lynes prefeante my fealfe as one alto- 
gether redy to fame yow w th my pore abyllyty as by yowre 
greatte and fauorable cortafys to my pore brother fyr hum- 
fry gylberte dyuerfe and fundry tymes fhoed I am bownde 
and fyr contynuynge yn my boldenes do mofte humbly 
befeache yowe too accepte me into yowre fauor as one 
of thatt howfe thatt yo dedycatyd too yowre faruys as I 
knowe my good vnkell fyr arthur champernowne by yowre 
honorable cortafys had greatte cawfe w th my brother and 
otherfe and my trufte ys thatt yowre ho wyll accepte me a 
pore contery mane amongefle thatt company whom w th all 
goodwyll durynge lyfe yowe mall fynde redy att yowre com- 
mandemeante- my brother has enboldenyd me too prefume 
to wryte vnto yowre ho. who has affuryd me off yowre fauor 
and thatt he has made me knoen vnto yowe by fpeches 
althowght nott by perfone, and leaueng the trobolynge off 
yowre ho mofte humble I take my leaue from Greanewaye 
the .21. off nouember. 

yowre honorfe redy att commandemeante 

John Gilberte. 27 

[Addrejfed: — ] To the ryght honorable fyr franfys Walfyngame Knyght chefe 
fecretary too her magefty. 

[Endor/ed : — ] .21 . Nouemb. 1 578. From i\ John Gilbert the great fauo rs I haue 
mewed his brother S 1 . Humfrey, & his vncle S r . Arthure Cham- 
pernowne emboldnethe him to recommend to me his good will & 
feruice. 

27 Vide, State Papers, Dome/lie, Elizabeth, Vol. CXXVI. No. 50. 



Lord 



262 Letters and Papers from the 



Lord Justice Drury to Sir Humfrey Gylberte. 
Commission to Extend his Powers. 

July 29. 1579 

S r Humfrey. fearing leafl: in my Commiffion I have not 
fufficientlie auclhorifed yow, to followe the Reable, and to 
purfue hym yf he chaunce to take the feas (in purpofe) to go 
to any other place. I do therfo r fullie auctorife yow, to prof- 
ecut hym (yf he be not, at the Dingle, or Smirwicke) And to 
followe hym into any place, or harbere, and there to appre- 
hend, and ftaie hym felfe, his fhipps and Companie, And to 
detaine both hym felfe his Companie, and fhippes, in yo r 
Cuftodie vntill yow mall (vpon yo r advertifementes to me) 
here, what furthere order fhalbe taken by me therin. And 
fo do wifhe yow well to fare. At Kilanny the xxix th of 
July 1579. 

Yo r affurd loving frend 
[Signed: — ] W. Drury. 28 

[AddreJJed ': — ] To my lovinge good frend S r Humfrey gilbert Knight w* all 
fpeed. 

[Endorfed: — ] refe d the 6 th of Augufte 1579 Thes enlargeth the inftruttions. 

Letters of further audlhoretye to S r Homfrey Gilbert from 
S r Willm. Drewry dated the .29. of Julye 1579 noted w th (a) 



Instructions by the Justice and Council to Sir 
Humfrey Gylberte. 

July 24. 1579 

^ : _] Inftruccions geven and paffed the xxiiij th of Julye 
Drury 1 579- by the L. Juflice and counfell of Ireland, to 

S r 

28 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Elizabeth, Vol. LXVII. No. 66. 



Englifh Archives. 



263 



S r Humfrey Gilbert Knight for the profequucon by Seea, 
afwell of James Fitzmorrice and his adherentes & accom- 
plices as alfo of the Rebbelliowfe Navy, fhippes and Barques 
w ch brought him and his trayterowfe company to landing. 

1. Fyrft, yow fhall make this yo r aucthoritie knowen, to 
Juftice Walfhe, Juftice Meagh, Henry Davels, and Arthur 
Carter her ma tes commiffioners in Mounfter. 

2. Alfo ye mail by all the wayes ye can, learne the trewe 
and certeyne nomber of the fhippes and men, and how they 
be furnyffhedd. 

3. Alfo to vnderftand, whether their entyer nomber be fett 
on land, and what forces they ar of, w ch be a bourde their 
fhippes, fo as vppon this certeyne intelligence, ye fhall the 
better, w th yo r fhippes, men and munytion fufflcient, encoun- 
ter theym. 

4. Ye mail then, w th thadvife aforefaid, beeng fo fufficient- 
lye provided and furnyffhedd w th mete forces to affayle theym 
both for her ma tes honor and your fafety and credait, yn con- 
vyncing of theym, direct your courfe and profequute theym. 

5. If yt fhall be yo r happe to apprehend eny of thofe 
trayto rs that ye haue fpeciall regard of falf kepyng of theym, 
as they may be fent vnder fure and faf conduct, to vs the L. 
Juftice to be examyned, for the better difclofure to be had, 
of the firfl wourking and whole entencion of this trayterowfe 
confpyracie. 

6. Ye 



264 Letters and Papers from the 



6. Ye mall befides as nere as yo w can, gett fpeciall intelli- 
gence by efpiall or otherwife, what chief perfonages ar con- 
federated or arryved in this rebelliowfe companye, and to 
certifie vs thereof alfo, w th fpede convenyent. 

7. Alfo yf yow fhall fe the trayto r embarked, to retourne, 
or to fett his people elfwheare on land, in this land, and fynd 
yo r felf of force fufficient to chafe and encounter him, then to 
followe, otherwife as nere as yow can, to difcrye the place he 
bendith him felf vnto. 

8. Alfo, that yow leave in places to yo w thought mooft 
mete, and w th perfons of truft, affured intelligence to be 
delyuered to Capten Thorneton and the other fhippes, follow- 
ing yow, w ch wey ye direct your courfe, and what courfe ye 
wold, they vfed, following yowe. 

9. Alfo yf ye fe the trayto us entencion of retourne, to haue 
good regard whether he alter not his trayterowfe courfe to- 
wardes the chanell betwene this and Hollyhedd, to appre- 
hend and ftoppe paffengers, that ye prevent the fame. 

10. Fynally, that ye take order to make knowen yo r wantes 
of viclell or amnycion vppon the Seea, to the apt and metyfte 
townes and fo to take order w th theym as the more fpedely 
thofe wantes may conveniently be fupplied at all tymes. 

\_Signed: — ] W M Jerrarde Nychl. Malbie 

cane. 

Ad. Dublin 

Lucas Dillon 29 

29 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. LXVII. No. 66. 

Walsyngham 



Englifh Archives. 265 



Walsyngham to Gylberte about his Ship no longer 
needed in ireland. 

Greenwich. October i, 1579 

S r , whereas by Ires, lately written from the Lo : Juftice of 
Ireland to my U es of hir ma*f Cowncell, he fignifiethe to 
them that he mall have nowe no further occafion to vfe yo r 
fhippe, and therfore would that you fent fome bodie of truft 
to receave yo r fayd fhippe and to have that care of hir as fhee 
maye be bothe forth commyng for you and no wayes ill em- 
ployed : I thought good to gyve you knowledge hereof, to 
thend you fend fome fuch perfon as you thincke good into 
Ireland for the purpofe aforefayd, and that w th as convenient 
fpeed as you can. And fo withe my hartie commendations 
I byd you farewell. From the Court at Greenw ch the fyfte 
of October 1579. 

Yo r Loving frend : 

Fra: Walsyngham 30 

\AddreJ[ed : — ] F To the right worfhipfull my verie loving frend, S r Humfrey 
Gilbert, knight : at Baldifmyre twoe myles from Feverftiam in 
Kent. M r Secratore Walfinghams letters toching my Ihippes in 
Ireland refey d the 5 of oc~tob r 1579. This Ire. provethe that the 
queene & the counfell are acquyutted of the entartainment of 
S r Humfrey Gilbertes fhippes in Irelonde. 

30 Vide, State Papers, Dotnejiic, Vol. CXXXII. No. 25. 



34 



Sir 



266 Letters and Papers from the 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte's reckonings for his ships Anne 
Auchier, Relief, and Squirrell, July 21 to Oct. 
16, 1579. 

S r Humfrey Gilbert knight at xlij s fter. 
per menfem the m r xxvj s viij d fter. per men- 
fern Pilote xvj s viij d per mens : Trumpetor 
& furgion at xv s fter. the peece per mens : 
m rs mate Boate fwaine Carpinder Steward 
& Purfer at vj s viij d fter the peece per 
mens : m r Gunner at x? foure quarter m rs 
ix s viij d the peece boate fwaines mate gun- 
ners mate and the Cooke at ix s ij d fterling 
the peece per mens: and lxxxij mariners 
and fouldiers at vj s viij d fter' the peece per 
mens, for one moneth & one day begin- 
ning the xxj th of Julie 1579 and ending the 
xviij th of Auguft eodem anno xlj H iiij s xj d q r 
fterling and the faid Captaine at xlij s fter' 
per menfem two officers at xv s fter the 
peece and xxix tie mariners at vj s viij d fter' 
the peece per mens : appointed to defend 
the faid fhipp lying in the haven of Kenfale 
for one moneth xxvij daies beginning the 
xix th of Auguft 1579 and ending the xij th 
of October the fame yeare xxvij u xvj s xj d 
fter' & for the vi&uall of the faid companies 
at xiiij 5 fterling the man per mens : for the 
faid feverall times cxxvij H x s fterling, & for 

Tonnage 



d ij H ij s vij d ob q r . 



Englifh Archives. 



267 



Tonnage of the faid fhipp being of the 
burthen of ccxl : tonnes at v 3 the tonne for 
all the time aforefaid clxxx 11 fter. In all 



fterling ccclxxvj 11 
Irifh. 



xj s xj d q r fter. making 



Belonging to the faid S r Humfrey Gil- 
bert a Captaine at xlij 3 fter. per menfem 
the m r xxvj 3 viij d fter' per mens : the pilate. 
xvj s viij d fter. per mens : the m r Gunner x s 
per mens : furgeon and drumme at xv s 
fterlinge the peece per menfem, m rs mate 
two quarter m rs boate fwaine Carpender 
Steward and purfer at xj s viij d fter. the 
peece per menfem and xxvij tie mariners & 
fouldiers at vj s viij d fter. the peece for two 
monethes xx tie dayes beginning the fecond 
of Auguft 1579 and ending the xvj th of 
October eodem anno lij 11 x s v d ob. for the 
victualling of the faid Captaine & com- 
panie for the faid whole time at xiiij 3 fter. 
the man per mens : lxxvf fter : & for the 
tonnage of the faid fhip being of the bur- 
then of lxx tonnes at v s fter. the tonne per 
mens : xlvij u x s fter : in all clxxvj 11 v d ob. 
fterling making Irifh 

Alfo belonging to the faid S r Humfrey " 
at xlij 3 fter. per mens : the m r xxvj 3 viij d 
fter. per menfem a gunner at x 3 fterling 



ccxxxiiij u xiij s xj d 



per 



268 Letters and Papers from the 



per mens : and xiij mariners at vj s viij d 
fter. per mens : for one moneth one day 
beginning the xxj th of Julie 1579 and end- 
ing the xxviij th of Auguft eodem anno viij H 
xj s ij d ob. fter. for victualling of the faid 
companie at the ordinarie rate of xiiij 5 
fterling for the faid time xj H xij s & for ton- 
nage of the fame being xij tonnes at v s the 
tonne lxij s j d ob. fter. In all xxiij 11 V s viij d 
fter. facit Ir. 



xxx j u v d ql 



Sterling Dlxxvli. xvij s. j d. ob. 



Sir Warhame Sentleger to the Earl of Ormond. 
Sir H. Gylberte's Ship Relief. 

Deer. 1, 1579 

My dutie don to yo r L It may pleas yo u to vnderftand that 
the ix th of november laft hether came to me to this Towne 
Alexander Goeghe preeft, chaunter of Yoghell, and in com- 
pany w th him William Agnes, of that Towne, who were fent 
by the maio r & Corporacion there, vnto me, w th a lettre for 
powder & municion, to whom I cavfed to be deliuered 23 
ftone & 3 n of Serpentyne powlcler, putting in fufficient fuer- 
ties in this Towne, to anfwere for the fame, to the quenes 
ma de At w ch tyme I offered the fayd Goeghe, and agnes, for 
the better defence of there Towne, That captain Rogers 
beeing then here in this haven, w th a fhipp of S r Homfray 
gilbartes (called the releef) verie well furnifhed, w th ordinance, 
fhot, & powlder, & 24 harquebufiers in her, (hold go along 

w th 

81 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Elizabeth, Vol. LXIX. No. 67. 



Englifh Archives. 269 



w th them into the haven of Yoghell, And there lay his fhipp 
At ancre, alongeft the fide of there Towne, where there wall 
was fallen downe, who would have vndertaken w th his fhip, 
ordinance, & men, to have flanked & defended that fide of 
the Towne, requiring nothing of them, but onely meat, & 
drinke, for the fuftentacion of his foldio rs : And for the bet- 
ter animating of them to embrafe this offer, I told them, it 
was not half a fmolkin a daies chardges, for everie howfholder 
in the Towne, And further I faid to them if they would take 
the faid fhipp along w th them, that I would be a meanes 
either to the L Juftice, or to yo r L, that the quenes ma tie , 
mould beare the chardges therof, or if it mold fo fall owt, 
that her highnes would not beare the fame, that they mould 
cavfe the Countrye people, to bee contributo rs to that chardge, 
who had there goodes & corne preferved in that Towne, w ch 
offeres they refufed being the x th of november aforfaid : w ch 
was 5. daies before the loffe of the towne So not having 
further occafion at this tyme to trouble yo r L I humbly take 
my leave From Corke this firft of december 1579. 

Yo r L to command 

Warham Sentleger. 

I wrote fondry Ires, to the faid maio r of yoghell, willing 
him in eny wife to entrenche & fortifie theire Towne and to 
make it leffe, wherby they might w th there fmall number de- 
fend the fame willing them in eny wife not to abandon there 
walles till by force they were, driven from it. 

Ex R : Burgate. 32 

32 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. LXXI. No. 3, iii. 

Articles 



270 Letters and Papers from the 



Articles of petition by Sir Thomas Gerrard and Sir 
George Peckham to Walsyngham. Gylbert's Patent. 

1 580 ? 

Articles of petition to the righte Honnorable S r Frauncis 
Walllinghame knighte Principall Secretairie vnto the 
Quens Ma 1 ! 6 by Sf Thomas Gerrarde, and S' George 
Peckeham knightes as followeth. viz. 

That where Sf Humferie Gylberte knighte hath graunted 
and affigned to the faide Sr Thomas and S!" George authori- 
se by vertue of the Quens Ma'" Ires. Patentes to difcover 
and poceffe &c. Certaine heathen Landes &c. 

Their humble peticion is 

Firfte that it wolde pleafe her Ma 1 ! 6 that all fouche parfons 
whofe names mall be fett downe in a booke Indented made 
for that purpofe thofe parte remayninge with fome one of 
her Ma'? s pryvie Councell, thother w^ the faide Sr Thomas 
and Sf George, Maye have lycens to travell into thofe Coun- 
ters at the nexte viaige for conquefte w th all manne r of 
neceffarie proviffion for theim felves and their families, their 
to remaine, or retorne backe to Englande at their will and 
pleafure, when and as often as nede mail requie r 

Item the recufances of abillitie that will travell as afore- 
faide maie have libertie (vppon difcharge of the penalities 
dewe to her Ma^ in that behallffe) to prepare them felves for 
the faide voiage- 

Item 



Englifk Archives. 



Item that other recufances not havinge to fatisfie the faide 
penaltie, maie notw th ftandinge have lyke libertie to provide 
as aforefaide, and to ftand charged for the paiement of the 
faide penalities vntill foche tyme as god fhall make them 
able to paie the fame. 

Item that none vnder Colo? of the faide Lycence mail 
departe owte of this Realme vnto any other foren Chriftian 
Realme. 

Item that they, nor anye of them fhall doo any acle tend- 
inge to the breache of the leage betwene her Ma 1 ! 6 and any 
other Prince in amytie w th her highnes, neither to the pre- 
iudice of her Ma 1 ! 6 or this Realm e- 

Item that the x*! 1 perfon w c . h they fhall Carrie w th theim 
fhalbe fouche as have not any Certainetie wherevppon to 
lyve or maintaine them felves in Englande. 33 

Walter Rawley to Walsyngham About 
Sir H. Gylberte's Services. 1581. 

Extrad 

Would god the fervice of S r Humfry Gilbert might be 
rightly lokt into who w th the third part of the garrifone now 
in Irland ended a rebellion not miche inferior to this in to 
monethes, or would god his own behavior were fuche in peace 
as it did not make his good fervice forgotten, & hold hyme 
from the preferment] he is worthy of, I take god to wittnes 
I fpeake it not for affection but to difcharge my duty to her 

Maiefty, 

88 Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Elisabeth, Vol. CXLVI. No. 40. 



272 Letters and Papers from the 



Maiefty, for I never hard nor rede of any man more fered 
than he is amonge the Irifhe nacion, And I do affuredly 
know that the beft about the Earle of Defmond ye & all the 
vnbridled traylors of thes partes wold cum in [to] hyme & 
yeld them felves to the Queens mercy were it but known 
that he were cum amonge them. The end mail prove 
this to be trew. . . . from Cork the xxv of february, your 
honors moil humble ever to cummand 

W. Rawley. 34 

[Addrejfecl: — ] To the honorable S* Francis Walfingam Knighte Principall 
Secritory to her highnes. 

Sir Humfrey Gylberte to Walsyngham. His need 

of his pay. 

S r greate extremitye enforcethe me, mofte homblie, and 
earneftlie to crave yo r honnors fpedie furtherans of me, for 
the fmaill fome of monye w che remaynethe dewe for the fer- 
vice of her Ma tie , w the three Shippes of myne in Irelande ; 
w che weere flayed and employed ther, by the Lo. Juftices 
Areftes ; and not by my fhuet : I Did loffe by yt, aboue towe 
Thowfande powndes : by meanes that I was flayed here, and 
cowlde not be permitted to retorne into Irelande, to fave my 
fhippes, and goodes : w che weare ftollen, and carryed awaye, 
as yo r Honnor and my Lo. doe very well knowe. my Recon- 
inge is fett downe, and perfected, and allowed, vnder the 
Awdytors hande of Irelande, as yo w knowe And my Lo. 
Deputie that nowe is, wrotte his Ires, to my Lo. of the 
Counfell longe fythens, for my paymente : but as yet I can 

gett 

34 Vide, State Papers, Dome/lie, Elizabeth, Vol. LXXXIX. No. 82. 



Englifk Archives. 



273 



gett nothinge. A miferable thinge it ys, that I poore man 
havinge ferved her Ma tie in warres, and peace, aboue Seven 
and Twentie yeres fhoulde be nowe fubiecle to daylye 
areftes, executions, and owtlawries ; yea and forfide to gadge 
and fell my wyffes Clothes from her backe, whoe browghte 
me fo good a lyvinge. The Queenes Ma 1 ? hathe allwaies 
faid, that her highenes would releve me, and mail I nowe 
fterve (w th out her highnes privitie) for wante of my owne. 
Her Ma** 6 did never yet denye me anye thinge that I ever 
alked; althowghe I never enioyed anye thinge to proffytt, 
that ever her Ma 1 '. 6 gave me. So that my caffe is thus evill, 
(not thorowe wante of her Ma tes mofte gracyous, and bown- 
tefull confideracion in my good, but thorowe my evill happe 
otherwaies, Therfore my mofte homble mute is, that yo r 
honnor will wouchefaffe w th out del aye, to prefent this my 
pyttefull peticion to her Ma ties owne confideracion ; whoe I 
am fuer will never detaine my owne from me, neyther yet 
denye me anye other reafonable fhute for my releiffe, that 
haue ferved her highnes from a boye, to the age of white 
heeres. Minfter in Sheppey, the xj of July 1581 

Yo r Honnors mofte homblie to commaunde 
\Signed: — ] Hy Gylberte. 35 

[Addreffed: — ] To the righte honorable S r Francys Walfmgham Knighte cheiffe 
fecretorie to her Ma tie deliver- 

\Endorfed ': — ] . 11. July. 1581. From S Humfrey Gylbert. To enforme 
hir Ma d . e of the prefent neceffitie he is in &c that fliee may the 
more willingly figne his warrant for his money- 

35 Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Elizabeth, Vol. CXLIX. No. 66. 



35 



Sir 



274 Letters and Papers from the 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte to Walsyngham asking pay 
for ship's service in ireland. 

Deer. 25. 1581. 

It feemeth yo r honno r thincketh yt muche that I mould be 
allowed the fomme fett downe by the Awditor in my ac- 
comptes for the fervice of Three of my fhippes in Ireland 
trulie I am not allowed fo muche as I ought for I was 
appointed admirall of all the fhippes that ferved then in 
Irelande vntill S r John Parrett came over w th her ma ties fhip- 
ping, and am allowed but xviij d a daie wages w ch is euery 
ordynarie Sea Captaines paie. 

Alfo the Anne Ager was a fhippe of Two hundred Fower 
fcore & thirten tonnes or there aboutes & in my reckoninge 
me is fett doune but Two hundred and Fowertie tonnes fo 
that I am wronged therby Thirtie feaven poundes tene 
fhillinges. 

Alfo I had in the Anne a hundred and twentie men of my 
owne company befides thirtie that were of m r Davellfes and 
the provoft marfhalls men whome I viclayled at my owne 
chardges as I did all the reft and am allowed but for a 
hundred men, fo that I am wronged therin Twentie mens 
wages & fyftie mens vyftailes for one moneth amountinge 
to Fortie one poundes Thirtenn fhillinges and Fower pence. 

And wheras it pleafed yo r honno r to thincke that her ma tie 
is double charged in the accompte for the fame fhippe it is 
nothinge fo vnder yo r honnors Correction for the firft chardge 
is for the Captaine and Seaventen officers w th Fower fcore 
and two men for one monethe & a daie begynninge the one 

and 



Englifh Archives. 



275 



and twentieth daie of July. 1579. and endinge the eyghten 
daie of Auguft next followinge w ch tyme fhe w th the other 
fhippes kept at Sea to garde the Cofte. And was from the 
xix th daie of Auguft being the next daie after appointed to 
moer her felf hard by the walls of Kynfall for the defenfe of 
the towne at w ch tyme there was Thre fcore of her company 
difchardged, and had allowance but for fortie men after- 
wardes from the faid. xix 1 ! 1 daie of Augufl vntill the xij th of 
October then next following being the daie of her difchardge. 
So that there is not any double chardge fett downe for the 
Anne the latter allowaunce begynninge at thende of the firfl 
difchardge. 

And to fatisfie yo r honno r for the fervice my fhippes did, 
trulie they did as they were directed by the governor and ther- 
fore not to be blamed were it more or leffe but the Rebells did 
twife or thrife offer to affayell the towne of Kynfall but durfl 
not by meanes of the feare they had of the Artillerye of the 
Anne Ager, fo that they did at that tyme the fervice of garri- 
foners for the defence of the towne w ch otherwife was lyke to 
haue bene fpoyled. 

And for the relief fhe wafted vyclailes and went to yohall 
where were two frenche fhippes well ordynanfed and manned 
and entred them by force and toke them bothe, they affyft- 
inge the Rebells of the towne againft her ma tes forces vntill 
the doinge of w ch fervice the Erie of Worm e wood could not 
come over the Ryver of yohall to affayle the towne by 
meanes of their artillerye. 

And touching the frygott fhe was ymployed as a paffenger 
betwene England & Ireland & brought over S r William 
D re wry and others w th letters. 

Farther 



276 Letters and Papers from the 



Farther ther was at that tyme of my owne powder fpent in 
my faid fhippes & ymployed by the lorde Juftice to the value 
of Sixten poundes fterling as appereth by a note of Olyver 
Bramfordes who was then Clerke of the Checke the w ch note 
I haue redye to fhowe, and am not allowed for the fame. 

I hope my cafe fhalbe meafured as others hathe bene, who 
are paied bothe freight and wages, that fpent her ma tie muche 
more money then the allowaunces of my fhippes cometh 
vnto & yet did (w th out offence being fpoken) as lytell fervice 
as they for any thinge I knowe, w ch I hope fhould haue bene 
better yf I might haue had leave to ferve in them my felf. 

I truft yo r honnor maketh no doubt that theis fhipps ferved 
the quene in fuche forte as aforefaid for that is manyfeftlie 
knowne vnto my lordes of the Counfell bothe by S r Willm. 
Drewrys Ire. late lorde Juftice fent over by my felf touch- 
inge the fame matter as appeareth by yo r honnors Ire. directed 
to me dated the v th of October. 1579. as alfo by my lorde 
Greys Ires, to my lordes of the Counfell dated the xxx th of 
January 1580. befides the teftimonyall therof vnder the 
Awditors hande who hathe fett downe my particuler 
accomptes for the fervice of the faid fhippes- 

And for the better proofe therof I haue the lorde Juftices 
Commiffion & inftruccions to fhowe vnder his hande & her 
ma tes Counfell of Irelande & vnder the privie feale of the 
fame Realme. 

I moft humblie befechinge yo r honno r for yo r better fatif- 
faccion that S r Warram Sellinger may be called before you 
and my lordes of the counfell to fpeake his knowledge herein 
who auclhorifed w th others by the lorde Juftices warrant did 
firft ftaye, bothe me my men and fhippes for the aforefaid 

fervices. 



Englifh Archives. 277 



fervices. and did by the like aucthoritie difchardge the 
fame. 

Thus muche I thought good to advertife yo r honno r con- 
cerning yo r late obieclions for the entertaynment of my 
fhippes in Ireland w ch were ymployed there by the gov- 
ernors arreft & Commaundement & not by any defire of 
myne, and in trothe it hathe in effecle vtterly vndone me, 
for when my fhippes were difchardged w th out paie and my 
felf flayed vpon bonde and fuerties in England by Com- 
maundement from my lordes of the privie Counfell, the Com- 
pany ftole, folde and gaged all that I had there and ranne 
away w th fome of my fhippes to my hindrance above Two 
thowfand poundes as yo r honnor and my lordes of the Coun- 
fell partlie knoweth. So that yf I mould not be releaved w th 
the fmale fome that remaynethe dewe to me for thofe fervices 
I fhould be vtterly vndone & not able to fhewe my hedd for 
dettes. wherfore I mofte humblie Crave yo r honnors fpedie 
furtherance herein, that I may eyther be allowed as the 
Awditor hathe fett downe or otherwife as yt mall pleafe my 
lordes of the Counfell to appointe defiringe only their pref- 
ent refolution of this my fute. And fo I moft humblie 
Commytt yo r honnor to god weftm r Dated the xxv th daie of 
Odober 1581 

[Signed : — ] Yo r ho. mofte humbell to commande 

H Gylberte. 36 

\Addreffed ': — ] To the Righte ho. S r Franfes Walfingham Knyghte, Cheffe 
Secratory to her m r . deliver. 

\Endorfed: — ] 25 October 158 1 From S r H. Gilbert for allowance for the 
feruice of his Ihippe in Ireland. Annfweare to fuch obieclions 
as may be made againft it. 

36 Vide, State Papers, Ireland, Elizabeth, Vol. LXXXVI. No. 40. 

Articles 



278 Letters and Papers from the 



Articles of Agreement between Sir Humfrey Gylberte 
and those who adventured with him. 

November. 1. 1582 

Sjf Articles bipartite Indented made the fecund daye 
of Nouember. In the yeere of o r Lorde god from the 
Incarnation of Crift 1582 And in the xxiiij th Yeere of 
the Raingne of o r foueraingne Lady Elizabethe by the 
grace of god Queene of England Fraunce and Irelande 
Defender of the fayethe &c : Betwene the right worfhip 11 
S' Humfrey gilbert Knight of the one party, And the 
M r chant Aduenturers w th the fayde S r Humfry gilbert 
and the focietie and company of them whofe names fvr- 
names and fomes aduentured be Infcribed particulerly 
in the cedull vnto thefe prefentes annexed of thother 
party, And of eyther the fame parties to be fulfilled and 
performed in manner and forme heer enfuinge viz : 

1. Firft that all the faied M r chant Aduenturers w th the 
fayed S r Humfry Gilbert and all and euery theire Children 
heyres and profteryty fo r euer fhalbe wholie free of and in 
bloode and alfo they and euery of them, And theire ap- 
prenteces feruinge feauen yeeres fhalbe wholy free of and 
in all and all manner trade and trades of entercourfe, 
bvinge fellinge occupyinge and M r chandizinge, Whatfoeuer 
in all and euery thofe contries Territories and dominions 
whatfoeuer and wherfoeuer w ch the fayde fir Humfry Gilbert 
or his heires his fucceffors or AlTignes or the Heyres fuc- 
ceffors or Affignes of any of them at any tyme hereafter by 

vertue 



Englifk Archives. 



279 



vertue and authority of her Ma tes Ires, patentes bearing date 
at Weftmonafter the Eleuenth of June in the xx th yeere 
of her Ma ties raingne &c or by conquer!: relinquiftiment or 
compoficion or otherwife whatfoeuer. And that the fame 
Societie and company of Marchant Aduenturers aforefaide 
mail beare the name and alfo fue and be fued by the name 
of the M r chant aduenturers w th ST Humfrey gilbert vntill 
fuche tyme as it mail pleafe God that the Quenes Ma tie or 
S? Humfry gilbert, theire heyres or Succeffors, or the heyres 
or Succeffors of eyther of them fhall geue the Contries and 
company of Marchant aduenturers aforefayd fome other 
name or names therby to be incorporated and to Sue and 
be fued as is aforefaide Prouided NeuerthelefTe that all the 
fayde m r chant Aduenturers, and euery of them theire chil- 
dren heyres and theyre pofterity afforefaide fhall well and 
truely from time to time content and paie or caufe to be 
contented and payde vnto the fayde S r Humfry gilbert his 
heyres Succeffors or Affignes but onely the half cuftome, 
And theire Aprentices afforefayde the whole cuftome and 
cuftomes ther due and to be due fo r all and fmguler theire 
goodes and Marchandizes hereafter brought thether or at 
any time after this firft voiage Laden or brought from thence 
all fifties and fiminge there or theraboutes excepted and 
vnto them and euery of them wholy freed and freely dif- 
charged fo r euer w th out any cuftome toll or Impoficion 
or demand therfore whatfoeuer. 

2. Item That the fayde S r Humfry gilbert his heyres Suc- 
ceffors and affignes and the heyres Succeffors and affignes and 
euery of them and theire affignes fhall from tyme to tyme and 



280 Letters and Papers from the 



fo r ever ordaine make keep and eftablifhe onely in the Towne 
of Southampton w th in the kingdome of England and no 
wher els w th in the fayde kingdome a perpetuall ftaple re- 
ceipt and repofitory fo r all and all manner theire goodes 
wares and m r chandizes whatfoeuer at any tyme heereafter in 
the fayed countries territories or dominions aforefaide or the 
precincles therof or of any of them In anie manner of fhipp 
boat Creyer or other veffell orveflels whatfoeuer in the trade 
of marchandis or marchandizinge fo r and vnto the Realme 
of Englande afforefaide Laden or caufed to be Laden. And 
alfo that all and euery other perfon and perfons whatfoeuer 
that fhall hereafter by waye of M r chandizinge Lade or cawfe 
to be laden w th in the fayde cuntries, Territories or dominions 
or the precin6t.es therof or anie of them for and into the 
realme of Englande aforefaide any manner of fifhes goodes 
Bullian wares or marchandizes whatfoeuer fhall bring or 
cawfe to be brought the fame and euerie part therof vnto 
the porte of the Towne of Southampton afforefaide and ther 
onely and no where elfe w th in the kingdome of England, 
fhall difcharge and Laie or lande the fame Except that by the 
gouerner Officers and the Affiftantes of the fayde Societie 
or the moft parte of them in open courte it fhalbe otherwyfe 
ordered and difpofed and fhall not tranfport or carry from 
thence any of the fayde Fifhes goodes bullian wares or mar- 
chandizes w th owt the fpeciall Licence of the Governor 
Treforer Agent, and Secretarie Affiftantes and the Society 
afforefayde fo r the tyme beinge or the moftte parte of them. 

3. Item That the faied S r Humfry gilbert fhall nowe be- 
fore his prefent departure owt of England nominate elect 

and 



Englifh Archives. 281 



and place owt of the fayde Society and company of the 
fayed M r chant Aduenturers refiant w th in the towne of 
Southampton or the precinctes therof fower Principall offi- 
cers that is to faye A Gouernor, Trefurer, Agent, and a 
Secretary to continewe in the fayde offices Accordinge to 
his Election will and pleafure eyther vntill they and euery 
of them dyeth or refigneth or be by the fame fociety and 
company or the moft part thereof fownde and Lawfullie 
proued infufficient or defectiue And then after the Death or 
refignation of any of the fame officers or after any infuffi- 
ciency fo by them fownd and proued The fayde S r Humfry 
gilbert yf he be then w th in the Realme of England lhall in his 
and theire fteedes and places fo deade refigninge or fownd 
infufficient or defectiue nominate elect and place owt of the 
fayde Societie and company fo many others to fupply his and 
theyre roome and roomes and in the fame office & offices to 
continewe and indure accordinge to his owne good will and 
pleafure, But yf it happen the fayde S r Humfry gilbert then 
to be abfent owt of the Realme of England aforefayde at the 
tyme of anie fuche deathe reiignacion or infufficiencie or 
defect proued as aforefayde, That then and in thofe cafes it 
fhalbe at all tymes lawfull to the reft of the fayde officers not 
Dying or refigning nor fownde infufficient or defective and to 
theyre Affiftantes Society and company aforefayde or to the 
moft part of them vtterly to remoue and difplace all and euery 
fuche officer and officers afforefayde and in his and in euery 
of their places fo Dying refigning or remoued to nominate 
elect and chufe three others of the moft wyfe and graueft men 
of the fame Society and company ther dwelling in South- 
ampton aforefayde in their writinge teftefying and declaring 

36 the 



282 Letters and Papers from the 

the caufe and caufes therof to prefente vnto the Honnorable 
S r Fraunces Walfingham knight one of her Ma te . s Priuie 
counfaill and Highe Secretarie, As vnto theyr in this refpecl 
vnder her Ma tie and the fayde S r Humfry gilbert in his Ab- 
fence by him appointed cheif and principall Patron and gou- 
uernor, The names and Surnames of all and every the fayd 
three other men fo at any tyme or tymes hereafter In anie 
and in euerie of the cafes afforefayde fo nominated elected 
and chofen, And vpon all and euery fuche prefentment and 
prefentmentes aforefayde it fhalbe Lawfull vnto the fayde 
S r Fraunces Walfingham at his onely will and good pleafure 
(fo that he doe it w th in the fpace of xx ty Dayes then next 
enfuing) to prick one of them fo nominated and prefented 
And by prickinge to ratefy and confirme the fame man to 
be the Lawfull officer for that tyme in the fteed and place of 
thother Late officer so deade reiigning or remoued as afore- 
fayde. And the fame perfon and perfons fo by him pricked 
ratefied and confirmed, vntill his or theyre. naturall death 
refignacion or remocion mall keep haue and enioie all the 
place proffites and preheminences incident therunto whollie 
and in as ample manner and forme As his predeceffors in 
that office or anie of them before that tyme ever kept had 
and inioyed, But yf it mall happen the fayed S r Fraunces 
Walfingham vpon the faid prefentmentes of the thre other 
names and furnames aforefayde at anie tyme not to prick 
ratefye and confirme one of them as aforefayde w th in the fpace 
of xx tie Dayes as aforefayed, That then and fo r that tyme it 
fhalbe lawfull fo r the reft of th' officers, Affiftance, Society 
and company aforefayed or to the moft part of them to all 
intentes conftructions and purpofes to name place and con- 
firme 



Englifh Archives. 



283 



firme in the cafes aforefayde and to theffecles aforefayde all 
and euery other fuche officer and officers aforefayde as they 
or the moft of them mall beft lyke and agree vpon fo r that 
tyme Prouided alwaies that all and euery of the faied officer 
and officers fhall once in euery yeere that is to faye w th in 
vij dayes next enfuing the feaft of all Saincles yeerly make 
and yeelde vp in their fufficient writtinge vnto the reft of the 
officers Affiftantes and Society aforefayd or to the moft parte 
of them fo r the tyme being w th in theyre place of common 
Affemblies theire feuerall true iuft and lawfull Accomptes 
and reckeninges of all and finguller fuche receiptes and paye- 
mentes whatfoeuer by them or anie of them or thiere affignes 
at anie tyme in the yeere before that tyme to the vfe and 
behoof of the fayed fociety and company of M r chant Aduen- 
turers aforefayd theyre fucceffors or Affignes or anie of them 
receiued had and imburfed. 

4. Item That the fayde Gouuernor And other the officers 
and fociety and company aforfayde dwellinge in Southamp- 
ton and elfe wher w th in the Realme of England that conue- 
niently may come theither fhall in and vpon the flrft daye of 
Auguft next enfuinge the date heereof or before yf they or 
the moft parte of them fhall thincke it neceffary and con- 
venient fhall in fome open and comodious place by the fame 
officers apointed in good manner meet and affemble them 
felues toghether about Eyght of the clock in the Morninge 
and after fome deuine Seruice or fermon had and heard fhall 
freely nominate elecl and chufe and place owt of the fayed 
company and fociety aforefayde Eyght of the moft wyfeft 
and Difcreateft perfons fo r one wholle yeer then next fol- 

lowinge 



284 Letters and Papers from the 



lowinge to be Affiftantes and to they re vttermoft power 
dilligently to Aflift the fame officers and fociety and com- 
pany aforefayde. And alfo mall then and there in open 
court fo r the better gouuerment and commodyty of the 
whole fociety and company aforefayde according vnto theyre 
wifdomes and good difcretions Effecluallie make ordaine and 
eftablifhe fo r them and euery of them and theyre SuccefTors all 
and all maner good neceffary and convenient orders Decrees 
and ftatutes And that the wholle Society and company afore- 
fayde And everie of them and theyre fuccelfors and affignes 
fhalbe vnto the fame orders decrees and ftatutes and to euery 
of them in all refpectes obedience and the fame and euery 
one of them mail fulfill and perfourme vpon fuche payn and 
paines As the fayde Gouuerner, Treafurer Agent fecretarie 
Affiftantes and the Society and company aforefaide or the 
moft parte of them fo r the tyme being fhall in the fame 
orders decrees and ftatutes and euery of them fpecefie and 
fet downe in due order and true meaning of the fame to be 
inflicted and impofed vpon all and euery offender and offen- 
ders doing to the contrary. And alfo that to the fame good 
effecles and purpofes the fayed officers Afliftances and the 
whole Society and company aforefayd and every of them (yf 
they maie conueniently) fhall in like forte at the tyme and 
place aforefaid vpon the firfte Daye of Marche then next fol- 
lowinge meet togeather and keep their other generall lyke 
Court or Affembly. And fo forth alfo after that tyme the 
fayde officers all and finguler and the fociety and companie 
aforefayde In like manner and to the good intentes and 
purpofes aforefayde in and vpon euery of the fayed two firft 
dayes of Auguft and March aforefayd at the place and tyme 

aforefaide 



Englifh Archives. 285 

aforefaide yeerely and in euery yeere for euer fhall duete- 
fullie meet togeather and keepe their generall Seffions and 
folemene Affemblies and courtes as aforefaide Prouided 
nevertheles that it fhalbe lawfull vnto the faide officers and 
Affiftances aforefayde and the moft part of them wherof the 
Gouerner or Treforer to be alwaies one at theire pleafurers 
to Affemble themfelues togeather wher otherwife and as 
ofte as they or the moft part of them wherof the fayed Gou- 
ernor or Trefurer alwaies to be one fhall fo r the direction 
of newe or newely emergent caufes or bufmes thinck it meet 
and convenient Prouided farder that yf it happen in thofe 
meane and fpeciall meetinges and affemblies or any of them 
any perfon or perfons to be wronged or hardly dealt w th all 
euery party fo greued maie lawfully apeale from the faied offi- 
cers and the fpeciall affemblies aforefaide vnto the next court 
and generall Seffions to be holden and kept, And ther vpon 
due examinacion and tryall of the caufe to receiue a fynall 
order and determinacion therin from the faied officers Affift- 
ance and the whole Society and company aforefaied or the 
moft part therof Prouided Alfo farder that euery of the fayde 
generall courtes Seffions and Affemblies aforefayd at the 
Dayes tymes and places afforefaid Yerely and in euery yeere 
fo r euer to be kept holden and folempnized in manner and 
forme aforefayde fhall yf need require be holden and con- 
tinewe by the fpace of Eyght daies or els longer or fhorter 
as vnto the faide officers and fociety aforefayd or to the moft 
part of them ther fhalbe thought moft meet and conuenient 
And yf it happen any of the faied two firft Dayes of Auguft 
or Marche aforefayde to fall vpon the Sondaie or dominicall 
daye that then and in all thofe cafes the fayed generall 

Courtes 



286 Letters and Papers from the 



Courtes and affemblies and euery of them to be kept holden 
and celebrated the fecunde daye of thofe Moneths and of 
euery of them in manner and forme aforefayde. 

5. Item that it fhalbe lawfull vnto the fayed gouuernor 
officers Affiftances Society and companie aforefaide and the 
moft part of and their fucceffors from tyme to tyme and as 
they or the moft part of them mall thinck it meet and con- 
uenient onely in the generall courtes and affemblies afore- 
fayde vpon fuche fyne and fynes as fhalbe by them or the 
moft part of them fo r the tyme being Seafed taxed and 
agreed vpon to admitte and receiue into the faied Society and 
company fuche and as many redemptionary and redemption- 
aries as they or the moft part of them mall well like Prouided 
alwaies that as euery fome of five powndes in monny or com- 
odities nowe firft aduentured is called ment and intended 
to be a fingle aduenture fo it fhall not be lawfull vnto the 
fayde fociety and company at anie tyme to admit anie re- 
demptionary to purchafe and haue fo r his fyne any more or 
aboue fower fmgle aduentures after the rate of the fyue 
powndes aforefayde as the fame fhall ryfe and of all And the 
fyne and fynes of the faide redemptionaries fo r the fpace of 
fifty yeeres nowe next enfuing fhall lawfully imploie and 
conuertto theyre owne vfes and comodities and to the como- 
dity of theyre heyres and affignes rate for rate and according 
to the vallewe of their particuler fomme and fomes aduen- 
tured and in the cedule indented fpecefied and contained 
Sauing allwaies and referued vnto the fayde Sr Humfry gil- 
bert his heyres fucceffors and Affignes and to euery of them 
the fifte part of euery fuche fyne and fynes to the onely vfe 
of the faide S r Humfry gilbert his heyres fucceffors and 

Affignes 



Englifh Archives. 



287 



Affignes by the fayd gouerner Affiftance fociety and com- 
panie aforefayd fo r the tyme being to be well and truely con- 
tented and pay Prouided alwaies that all and euery the fayd 
redemptionary and redemptionaries theyr children and Ap- 
prentices feruing feaven yeeres and theyre pofterity and 
euery of them (hall from tyme to tyme well and truely paye 
or caufe to be payed vnto the fayd S r Humfry Gilbert his 
heyres and affignes the whole cuftome and cuftomes there in 
thofe contries territories and Dominions aforefayd at anie 
tyme due or to be due fo r all and euery their goodes wares 
and Marchandizes brought thether or Laden from thence 
fifties and fiftiing onely excepted and forepryfed, And that 
neyther they the faide redemptionaryes nor any of them nor 
their children nor heyres nor apprenteces nor pofterity afore- 
faide Ihalbe by reafone of anie their aduentures eyther in per- 
fon or in goodes priueledged to haue w th in any of the faide 
contryes, Territories or dominions anie manner of Land or 
inherritance of lande or fuche other prerogatiues as the 
M r chant aduenturers fpecified and contained in the cedull 
indented ar infreed of and in confideracion of their firft 
aduentures ought to have. 

6. Item That every man aduenturing in this firft voiadg 
whofe knowen name and furname and fome aduentured 
fhalbe fett downe in the fayd indented cedull of the Ad- 
uenturers heerunto annexed and figned w th the hand and feale 
of the faide S r Humfry gilbert by the Affignement and al- 
lowance of the faide S r Humfry gilbert his heyres his fuccef- 
fors or Affignes fhall haue to him and to his heires fo r euer 
in thofe countries Territories or Dominions or fome one of 

them 



288 Letters and Papers from the 



them fo by him the faide S Humfry Gilbert his heyres Suc- 
celfors or Affignes or any of them at any tyme after the date 
hereof difcouered conquered or any wages poffeffed, fo r euery 
fyue powndes in mony or comodities Aduentured one 
thoufand acres of ground over and aboue the retourne of his 
Aduenture as the fame fhall fall owt to gayne or loffes and fo 
forth proportionably according to the rate of euery feuerall 
aduenture aforefaide. 

7. Item that euery aduenture in perfon and not in goodes 
in this firft voiadg and theyre heyres fhalbe fo r euer free of 
and in all trades and traffickes of and in all thofe contries 
territoris and Dominions and euery of them paying vnto the 
fayde S r Humfry gilbert his heyres fucceffors and affignes 
the half cuftomes and cuftomes of and fo r theyr wares goods 
and m r chandizes, fifhe and fifhing onely Excepted as aforefaide 
brought from hence thether or from thence hither vnto Eng- 
land aforefayde and that it fhalbe lawfull hereafter fo r thofe 
that haue not nowe aduentured in goodes putting in theyre 
mony fo r their aduentures onely into the banke fo r euery 
officer and gentelman in refpect of the aduenture of his per- 
fon to be admitted an aduenturer of a Doble aduenture and 
fo r euery privat perfon of a fingle aduenture, yf they fo will 
doe. 

8. Item That every man that fhall nowe in this firft voiage 
aduenture in flock and alfo goe in perfon mall haue a doble 
proporcion of land ther in thofe countries territories or Do- 
minions aforefayd afwell fo r his perfon as alfo fo r his Aduen- 
ture in goodes that anie other hathe that fhall venture onely 

in 



Englifh Archives. 



289 



in goodes and not in perfon- And that every Gentelman In 
this fort Aduenturing yf at any tyme he will put fo much 
mony into the comon bancke or purfe after the rate of a 
fingle aduenture aforefayde maye haue and fhalbe admited 
vnto four fingle Aduentures and euery pryuat mann vnto 
two fingle aduentures, Doing and paying in his mony there- 
fore ratably as aforefayde. 

9. Item That euery man that {hall in this firft voiadge 
tarry w th the faide S r Humfry gilbert in the fayde countries 
territories or Dominions or any part therof nowe intended 
to be difcouered conquered feafed or poffeffed ther w th him to 
remaine by the fpace of Eyghte moneths next after his firft 
arryuall ther as a poffeffion taker and holder to the onely vfe 
and behoof of the fayed S r Humfrey gilbert his heyres and 
affignes {hall haue double the proporcion in and of lande ther 
afwell fo r his- perfon as alfo fo r his other aduenture over and 
aboue all thofe proporcions and Acres of Landes w ch he 
{hall haue that goeth thether in perfon and remainethe not 
ther fo long tyme w th the fayed S r Humfrey gilbert but re- 
tourneth from thence againe before thende of the fayde fpace 
of Eyght moneths aforfaid Except allwaies fuche perfon 
and perfons as it {hall pleafe the fayd S r Humfry gilbert 
to vfe and employe in Meffage or otherwyfe in this next re- 
tourne from thence into England w ch perfon And perfons fo 
vfed and Imploied {hall haue the fame proporcion of Land 
ther as others as is aforefaide remaininge ther fo long tyme 
{hall haue. 

10. Item That every perfon and perfons fo aduenturing 
in this firft voiadge in perfon or in goodes or in bothe perfon 

37 and 



290 Letters and Papers from the 



and goodes fhall holde all and finguler their fayd proporcion 
of And nombers of Acres of Land aforefaide to him and to 
them and to his and to their heyres fo r ever in free Soccage 
tenure onely and not in Capite of and from the faide S r Hum- 
fry gilbert his heyres Affignes and Succeffors fo r euer yeeld- 
ing and paying therfore Yeerly vnto the fayde S r Humfry 
Gilbert his heyres Affignes and Succeffors After the ende of 
the firft Seaven yeers expired that the fame nomber of Acres 
fhalbe by him or them pofTeffed and manured in Signe of a 
Chyvage or quitt rent fo r every thovvfand Acres ten fhillinges 
and fo ratablye and Yeerely fo r ever. 

11. Item That in farther reward and for perpetuall Mem- 
ory of all thofe w ch nowe in this voiage dothe aduenture 
thither w th the faide S r Humfry gilbert eyther in perfon or in 
goods or in bothe as is before fpecefied and their heyres chil- 
dren and fucceffors fhalbe fo r ever free and freely Difcharged 
from all tortures Marfhall lawes and from all arreftes and 
atachmentes of all and finguler their bodies and goods what- 
foeuer fo r all and every accion and accions perfonalls Realls 
and mixt, both in thofe countryes, territories and Dominions 
and in every of them and every of theyr precincles, and alfo at 
all tymes in all and finguler their paffag and paffages both 
by water and Land thither and from thence heyther not- 
w th ftanding any power and auclority or preheminence what- 
foeuer heretofore geven and granted or hereafter to be geven 
and granted to the Sayde S r Humfry gilbert his heyres fuc- 
ceffors and affignes or the heyres fucceffors or affignes of any 
of them by the fayde Ires, patentes from o r foueraigne Lady 
Elizabeth Quene of England aforefayd or anie otherwyfe. 

12. Item 



Engli/Ji Archives. 



291 



12. Item That all and every of the kindred in bloude and 
confanguinity of the fayd S r Humfry gilbert and his wyf 
and of everie of them fhalbe in all thofe contries territories 
and Dominions and every of them fo r ever free and inioye 
all and every the aforefaide liberties freedomes immunities 
and priviledges and every of them w lh owt any fyne or fines 
whatfoeuer in as ample and as large manner as any of the 
faide Society and company by anie waies or meanes hath or 
maie or ought to haue and inioie, Anie thing or thinges in 
thefe articles or anie of them fpecified o r contayned to the 
contrary in any wyfe notw th ftanding-Prouided Alwaies and it 
is ftraightly charged and comanded And exprefly inhibited 
and forbid vnto the fayde Society and company aforefaide 
and every of them by the faide S r Humfry gilbert that none 
of the nowe Marchantes of the Mufcouy company nor none 
of their children or iffues nor none of the nowe inhabi- 
tants of the Towne of Southampton or w th in the freedome 
therof nor none of their children or iffues of anie of them 
w ch neyther aduentured w th the fayde S r Humfry gilbert in 
his firft pretence of Difcouery nor nowe in this laft voiage 
{hall at any time heereafter be capable of the freedomes or of 
any part of the liberties imvnities or priviledges aforefayde 
by redemption grant gifte confent or by anie other waies or 
meanes whatfoeuer, And in confideracion thereof the faide 
S r Humfry gilbert his heyres fucceffors and affignes cove- 
nanteth and granteth to and w th the faide Society and com- 
panie by thefe prefentes that he the faide S r Humfry gilbert 
his heires fucceffors and affignes or fome of them mall at all 
times hereafter confifcate and feafe vppon as forfecled all and 
all manner their fifties goodes wares and merchandizes there 

in 



292 Letters and Papers from the 

in thofe countries Territories or Dominions or anie of their 
precincles aforefaid at anie time heereafter fownd or Laden 
there or from thence and alfo all and all manner the fifhes 
goodes and wares and marchandizes of all other perfon or 
perfons whatfoeuer not being free of this Society and com- 
panie inhabiting w th in this Realme of England or the Ifles of 
Guernfey and Jerfey or the Ifles lying theraboutes ther in 
thofe countries territories or Dominions or w th in the pre- 
cincles of anie of them at anie time fownd and taken fhalbe 
confifcated and forfeited the one half to himfelf his heyres 
Succeffors and affignes and thother half vnto the faide So- 
ciety and companie of the nowe marchant Aduenturees w th the 
fayed S r Humfry gilbert By him the fayd S r Humfry gilbert 
his heyres SuccefTors and affignes well and truely to be con- 
tented and paied And in Lyke fort all and all manner Seafure 
and feafures forfeit and forfeitures of anie and all manner of 
goodes wares and marchandizes of any and of every the per- 
fon and perfons aforefaide fo as aforefaide reftrained inhab- 
ited and not free of the faide fociety and company made 
taken or donne by the faied company their fuccefTors and 
Affignes w th in the porte or Towne of Southhampton or w th in 
anie porte or place of the Realme of Englande fhalbe in 
Lyke fort made and taken to the onely vfe and profitt of the 
faide S r Humfry gilbert his heires Succeffors and affignes, 
And alfoe to the vfe and behoof of the faide focietie and 
company aforefaide their fucceffors and affignes by Equall 
half porcions to be devided that is to faie the one half therof 
to the faide S r Humfry gilbert his heyres fucceffors and 
Affignes, And thother half to the faide fociety and company 
their fucceffors and Affignes fo r ever. 

13. Item 



Englifh Archives. 



293 



13. Item that all thofe w ch mail apeere to be certified vnto 
the officers and Society aforefayd vnder the hande and feale 
of the fayde S r Humfry gilbert to have ben adventurers in 
the laft pretence of difcouery w th him and alfo althofe w ch con- 
tinewed w th him in the voiage vntill the breaking vp therof 
at Kinfaell in Ireland in thofe Countries territories and 
Dominions and every of them fhalbe as free to all intentes 
and purpofes as the nowe Adventurers ar or ought to be in 
any manner and refpecl; aforefaide. 

14. Item That the faide S r Humfrey gilbert of his fpecial 
and meere mocion towardes the comfort and relief of the 
poore travelers and decaied perfons of the fociety aforefaid 
and other good vfes to be beftowed and imployed w th in the 
faide towne of Southampton aforefayd geueth and granteth 
vnto the faide Society and company of the Marchant aduen- 
turers aforefaide and to their fucceffors and Affignes fo r ever 
tenne thowfande Acres of Lande to be holden of him his 
heyres Succeffors and affignes vnto the faide Society and 
company aforefayde And vnto their fucceffors and affignes 
fo r euer in thofe contries Territories and Dominions afore- 
fayde or fome of them in Socage tenure aforefayd and alfo 
one pownde owt of every his hundreth pownds that fhall 
hereafter ryfe and come vnto him owt of and vpon his fift 
part of the fynes of the Redemptionaries aforefayde during 
the terme of the fifty yeeres aforefayde And the faide 
Society and company alfo and their fucceffors in like fort 
and to thofe goode workes and intentes fhall and will yeerly 
geve graunt and diflribute in monny one pound of everie 
hundreth powndes that by godes prouidence and their good 

induftry 



294 Letters and Papers from the 



induftry fhall heereafter happen to be gotten and gained or 
growen vnto the fame fociety and company aforefaide, ovvt 
of and by all the yeerelye gaines and proflttes of all the 
whole company aforefaide fo r ever by reafon of their trade 
and traffick theyther and from thence as aforefaide- 

15. Item That he the faide S r Humfry gilbert his heyres 
and fucceffors after his firft arriwall in the fayde countries Ter- 
ritories or Dominions or anie of them and as foone as he or 
they can doe the fame to good effect in Lawe fhall effeclualy 
ratefie conflrme and affure to all intentes and purpofes vnto 
all and every the faide Aduenturers their heyres children 
pofterity and others aforefayd in manner and forme afore- 
faide all and every the faide Landes Liberties freedomes 
immvnities and commodities and every other thing and 
thinges requifitt and incident therunto and to every part 
therof in fuche manner and fort as by and from her Ma tie 
her heyres and fucceffors fo r the further confirmacion and 
ftrenghtning of the premiffes and every part therof vnto the 
faid Governor officers Affiflantes fociety and company affore- 
faid and vnto every of them their heyres children fucceffors 
and others aforefayd in anie refpecl fhalbe at anie tyme heer- 
after needfull or neceffary And that all and every the grauntes 
Articles claufes and fentences aforefaid concerning eyther the 
faid S r Humfry gilbert his heires or fucceffors or any of the 
faide Society or company of Marchant Aduenturers or any 
other perfon or perfons aforefaide fhalbe at all times conftrued 
interpreted and vnderfloode according to the moft true plaine 
and vfuall fence and connxuction in all thinges and no other- 
wyfe And that yf ther fhall happen any difference betwene 

the 



Englifh Archives. 295 



the fayde S r Humfrey gilbert his heires and affignes and the 
faide fociety and company or any of them their heires children 
or pofterrity or any other aforefayde abowt any ambiguous 
conftruccion of any Article or articles claufe or fentence what- 
foeuer heerin contained the expofition and finall determina- 
cion of all and every fuche controverfies and differences mail 
reft and abide in the handes judgment and finall determina- 
cion of the Lorde Chaunceller of England fo r the tyme beinge 
In Witnes wherof, vnto the one part of the fayde Articles 
Indented remayning w th the faide fociety and company 
aforefayde the faide S r Humfry gilbert hathe putt his hande 
and feale and to the other part remaining w th the faide S r 
Humfrey gilbert the faide fociety and company aforefayde 
have cawfed the feale of the office of the Maioralty of the 
Towne of Southampton aforefayde to be fett vnto Yeuen 
the Daye and yeere firft Aboue written. 37 

[Endorfed : — ] 809 5. 

Articles of agreement indented between S T . Humfrey Gilbert 
and fuch of Hampton as aduenture w* him : as alfo between 
him and all other Aduenturers with him. 

Remembrances for the Lady Gylberte touching the 
Manor of Minster in the Isle of Sheppey. 

Jan. 1583. 

S r Humfrey Gylberte boughte of the L. Cheyney the Man- 
nor of Mynfter w th in the Ifle of Sheppey, in the conveyaunce 
whereof was condycioned : that if S r Humfrey did not paye 
his mony at his dayes lymited (the lafte whereof was on the 

iiij th 

37 Vide, State Papers, Domejlic, Elizabeth, Vol. CLV. No. 86. 



296 Letters and Papers from the 



iiij th of July lafte pafte when hee was to paye one thowfand 
markes) that then the land (hold reverte to the L. Cheyney 
in his former eflate. 

2. Before w ch daye, S r Humfrey fold all the fame land to 
S r Edward Hobbey, who in refpecte of forbearinge of three 
thowfand powndes for three yeres parcell of the mony for 
his purchafe, made a leafe to S r Humfrey for iii yeres of fo 
mutche of the faid Mannor as was woorthe vij xxt per annum 
de claro. 

3. And becawfe S r Humfrey after his purchafe taken from 
the L. Cheyney had entangled the land w th dyvers remayn- 
ders and vfes, to avoyd thofe intanglementes, hee covenaunted 
w th S r Edward Hobbey that yt mold bee lawfull for hym to 
forfet the land to the faid L. Cheyney by defalte of the lafle 
paymente lymited to S r Humfrey, w ch was on the iiij th of July 
as abovefaid : vppon condicion, that S r Edward fhold take 
affueraunce thereof backe agayne from the L. Cheyney. 
Vppon futche covenauntes condicions and vfes as was 
lymited and fett downe in the former affueraunce betwene 
S r Humfrey and S r Edward, whereto he is bound in viij 
thowfand markes, gyvinge alfo theire woordes before dyvers 
gentlemen, that vppon takinge of the newe affueraunce 
nothing mold differ from the firfte intente and true mean- 
inge of the former bergayne. 

4. Since w ch time S r Edward hathe only vfed thadvaunt- 
age of his newe affueraunce to the defraudinge of the leafe 
made by him to S r Humfrey as aforefaid, and hafford of his 

band 



Englifli Archives. 29 7 



band for warrauntize of the land, and here no waye preiu- 
dycel to the value of one pennye. 

Wherefore the Lady Gylberte mofte humbly prayethe, that 
fhee maye enioye her leafe accordinge to the true meaninge 
of the firfte bergayne becaufe yt is the onlye ftaye that is 
lefte her to lyve by in her hufbandes abfence. 38 

33 Vide, State Papers, Dome/lie, Elizabeth, Vol. CLVIII. No. 50. 



53 



THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 




1903 



Comtncmtoaltfj of iHassarfjusetts, 



IN THE YEAR OXE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND 
SEVENTY-FOUR. 



AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 

Be it enacted by the Senate a7id Houfe of Reprefentatives^ i?i General Court 
ajfembled % and by the authority of the fame, as follows : 

Section i. John Ward Dean, J. Wingate Thornton. Edmund F. Slafter, 
and Charles W. Tuttle, their ailbciates and fucceliors. are made a corporation 
by the name of the Prince Society, for the purpofe of preferving and extending 
the knowledge of American Hiftory, by editing and printing fuch manufcripts, 
rare tracts, and volumes as are moftly confined in their ufe to hiftorical ftudents 
and public libraries. 

Section 2. Said corporation may hold real and perfonal eftate to an amount 
not exceeding thirty thoufand dollars. 

Section 3. This act mail take effect upon its paffage. 

Approved March 18, 1874. 



Note. — The Prince Society was organized on the 25th of May, 1858. 
What was undertaken as an experiment has proved fuccefsful. This Act of 
Incorporation has been obtained to enable the Society better to fulfil its 
object, in its expanding growth. 



THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 



CONSTITUTION. 

Article I. — This Society fliall be called The Prince Society; 
and it lhall have for its object the publication of rare works, in 
print or manufcript, relating to America. 

Article II. — The officers of the Society lhall be a Prefident, 
four Vice-Prefidents, a Correfponding Secretary, a Recording 
Secretary, and a Treafurer ; who together lhall form the Council 
of the Society. 

Article III. — Members may be added to the Society on the 
recommendation of any member and a confirmatory vote of a 
majority of the Council. 

Libraries and other Inftitutions may hold memberfhip, and be 
reprefented by an authorized agent. 

All members lhall be entitled to and lhall accept the volumes 
printed by the Society, as they are iffued from time to time, at the 
prices fixed by the Council ; and memberlhip lhall be forfeited by 
a refufal or neglect fo to accept the faid volumes. 

Any perfon may terminate his memberlhip by refignation ad- 
drefled in writing to the Prefident ; provided, however, that he lhall 
have previoully paid for all volumes iffued by the Society after the 
date of his election as a member. 

Article IV. — The management of the Society's affairs lhall 
be veiled in the Council, which lhall keep a faithful record of its 

proceedings, 



302 The Prince Society. 



proceedings, and report the fame to the Society annually, at its 
General Meeting in May. 

Article V. — On the anniverfary of the birth of the Rev. 
Thomas Prince, namely, on the twenty-fifth day of May, in every 
year (but if this day fhall fall on Sunday or a legal holiday, on 
the following day), a General Meeting mail be held at Bofton, in 
Maffachufetts, for the purpofe of electing officers, hearing the 
report of the Council, auditing the Treafurer's account, and trans- 
acting other bufinefs. 

Article VI. — The officers fhall be chofen by the Society an- 
nually, at the General Meeting; but vacancies occurring between 
the General Meetings may be filled by the Council. 

Article VII. — By-Laws for the more particular government of 
the Society may be made or amended at any General Meeting. 

Article VIII. — Amendments to the Conftitution may be made 
at the General Meeting in May, by a three-fourths vote, pro- 
vided that a copy of the fame be tranfmitted to every member 
of the Society, at leaft two weeks previous to the time of voting 
thereon. 



COUNCIL. 



RULES AND REGULATIONS. 

1. The Society fhall be adminiftered on the mutual principle, 
and folely in the intereft of American hiftory. 

2. A volume fhall be iffued as often as practicable, but not more 
frequently than once a year. 

3. An editor of each work to be iffued fhall be appointed, who 
fhall be a member of the Society, whofe duty it fhall be to pre- 
pare, 



The Prince Society. 3°3 



pare, arrange, and conduct the fame through the prefs ; and, as he 
will neceffarily be placed under obligations to fcholars and others 
for affiftance, and particularly for the loan of rare books, he fhall 
be entitled to receive ten copies, to enable him to acknowledge and 
return any courtefies which he may have received. 

4. All editorial work and official fervice mail be performed 
gratuitoufly. 

5. All contracts connected with the publication of any work 
mail be laid before the Council in diftincl fpecifications in writ- 
ing, and be adopted by a vote of the Council, and entered in a 
book kept for that purpofe ; and, when the publication of a volume 
is completed, its whole expenfe fhall be entered, with the items 
of its coft in full, in the fame book. No member of the Council 
fhall be a contractor for doing any part of the mechanical work 
of the publications. 

6. The price of each volume fhall be a hundredth part of the 
coft of the edition, or as near to that as conveniently may be ; and 
there fhall be no other affeffments levied upon the members of 
the Society. 

7. A fum, not exceeding one thoufand dollars, may be fet apart 
by the Council from the net receipts for publications, as a working 
capital ; and when the faid net receipts fhall exceed that fum, the 
excefs fhall be divided, from time to time, among the members of 
the Society, by remitting either a part or the whole coft of a 
volume, as may be deemed expedient. 

8. All moneys belonging to the Society fhall be depofited in the 
New England Truft Company in Bofton, unlefs fome other banking 
inftitution fhall be defignated by a vote of the Council ; and faid 
moneys fhall be entered in the name of the Society, fubject to the 
order of the Treafurer. 

9. It fhall be the duty of the Prefident to call the Council to- 
gether, whenever it may be neceffary for the tranfaclion of bufinefs, 
and to prefide at its meetings. 

IO. 



304 The Prince Society. 



10. It (hall be the duty of the Vice-Prefidents to authorize all 
bills before their payment, to make an inventory of the property 
of the Society during the month preceding the annual meeting 
and to report the fame to the Council, and to audit the accounts 
of the Treafurer. 

11. It mall be the duty of the Correfponding Secretary to iffue 
all general notices to the members, and to conduct the general 
correfpondence of the Society. 

12. It mall be the duty of the Recording Secretary to keep a 
complete record of the proceedings both of the Society and of 
the Council, in a book provided for that purpofe. 

13. It mall be the duty of the Treafurer to forward to the 
members bills for the volumes, as they are iffued ; to fuperintend 
the fending of the books ; to pay all bills authorized and indorfed 
by at leaft two Vice-Prefidents of the Society ; and to keep an 
accurate account of all moneys received and difburfed. 

14. No books mail be forwarded by the Treafurer to any mem- 
ber until the amount of the price fixed for the fame fhall have 
been received ; and any member neglecting to forward the faid 
amount for one month after his notification, fhall forfeit his 
membership. 




OFFICERS 

OF 

THE PRINCE SOCIETY 

. FROM ITS ORGANIZATION. 



Prefidents. 

*Samuel Gardner Drake, A.M., Bofton 1858 to 1870. 

*Johx Ward Dean, A.M., Bofton 1870 to 1880. 

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, D.D., Bofton 1880. 

Vice-Prefidents. 

*Thomas Waterman, Bofton 1858 to 1866. 

*Frederic Kidder, Bofton 1858 to 1863. 

*Jeremiah Colburn, A.M., Bofton 1858 to 1863. 

*John Ward Dean. A.M., Bofton 1863 to 1870. 

*JOHN WlXGATE THORNTON, A.M., Bofton 1 863 to 1 878. 

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, D.D., Bofton 1866 to 1880. 

William Blake Trask, A.M., Dorchefter 1870. 

*Charles Henry Bell, LL.D.. Exeter, N. H 1874 to l %9?>- 

John Marshall Brown, A.M.. Portland, Me 1878 to 1885. 

*John Ward Dean, A.M., Bofton 1880 to 1902. 

James Phinney Baxter, A.M., Portland, Me 1885 to 1894. 

*The Rev. Edward G. Porter, A.M., Dorchefter .... 1894 to 1900. 

David Greene Haskixs. Jr., A.M., Cambridge 1895. 

Thornton K. Lothrop. A.M., Bofton 1900. 

Frederick L. Gay, Brookline 1902. 

39 



306 Officers of the Society. 

Correfponding Secretaries. 

*John Ward Dean, A.M., Bofton 1858 to 1863. 

*William Henry Whitmore, A.M., Bofton ...... 1863 to 1872. 

*The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D., Exeter, N. H. . . . 1872 to 1874. 

*Charles Wesley Tuttle, Ph. D., Bofton 1874 to 1881. 

*The Rev. Henry Wilder Foote, A.M., Bofton .... 18S2 to 1889. 

*Robert Noxon Toppan, A.M., Cambridge 1890 to 1901. 

Albert Matthews, A.B., Bofton 1901. 

Recording Secretaries. 

*William Henry Whitmore, A.M., Bofton 1858 to 1863. 

* William Sumner Appleton, A.M., Bofton 1863 to 1865. 

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, D.D., Bofton 1865 to 1866. 

*William S. Appleton, A.M., Bofton 1866 to 1870. 

William Theophilus Rogers Marvin, A.M., Bofton . . . 1870 to 1873. 

*William H. Whitmore, A.M., Bofton 1873 to 1875. 

David Greene Haskins, Jr., A.M., Cambridge 1875 t0 l8 95- 

The Rev. Henry F. Jenks, A.M., Canton, Mafs. • . . . 1895. 

Treafurers. 

*John Wells Parker, Roxbury 1858 to 1863. 

*Jeremiah Colburn, A.M., Bofton 1863 to 1873. 

*Charles Wesley Tuttle, Ph.D., Bofton 1873 to 1874. 

Elbridge Henry Goss, Melrofe 1874 to 1898. 

Henry W. Cunningham, A.B., Manchefter, Mafs 1898. 



OFFICERS 

OF 

THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 
1903. 



Prefident. 

THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, D.D. . . . Boston, Mass. 

Vice- Prefidents. 

WILLIAM B. TRASK, A.M . . . Boston, Mass. 

DAVID GREENE HASKINS, Jr., A.M Cambridge, Mass. 

THORNTON K. LOTHROP, A.M Boston, Mass. 

FREDERICK L. GAY Brookline, Mass. 

Corresponding Secretary. 

ALBERT MATTHEWS, A.B Boston, Mass. 

Recording Secretary. 

THE REV. HENRY F. JENKS, A.M Canton, Mass. 

Treafurer. 

HENRY W. CUNNINGHAM, A.B Boston, Mass. 



THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 

1903. 



Charles Francis Adams, LL.D Lincoln, Mais. 

George Allifon Armour, A.M Princeton, N. J. 

Edward Everett Ayer Chicago, 111. 

Ezra Henry Baker, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 

Thomas Willing Balch, A.B., LL.B Philadelphia, Pa. 

Charles Fitch Bates Allfton, Mafs. 

James Phinney Baxter, A.M Portland, Me. 

The Rev. Jofhua Peter Bodfifh Canton, Mafs. 

Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B Shirley, Mafs. 

John Marlhall Brown, A.M Portland, Me. 

The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, LL.D. . . . Concord, N. H. 

Clarence Howard Clark Philadelphia. Pa. 

Henry Troth Coates, A.M Philadelphia, Pa. 

The Rev. Arthur Theodore Connolly, D.B. . . . Jamaica Plain, Mafs. 

Webfter Cook Saginaw, Mich. 

Deloraine Pendre Corey Bofton, Mafs. 

Henry Winchefter Cunningham, A.B Manchefter, Mafs. 

Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M Cambridge, Mafs. 

Edward Denham New Bedford, Mafs. 

Andrew Fein Derr Wilkefbarre, Pa. 

Prof. Franklin Bowditch Dexter, A.M. . . . . . New Haven, Conn. 

The Rev. Morton Dexter, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Henry Herbert Edes Cambridge, Mafs. 

The Rev. Chriftopher Rhodes Eliot, A.M., B.T. . Bofton, Mafs. 



The Prince Society. 309 



Edward Everett . . Bofton, Mafs. 

John Whittemore Farwell Bofton, Mafs. 

Albert Alonzo Folfom Brookftne, Mafs. 

Worthington Chauncey Ford Washington, D. C. 

Francis Apthorp Fofter Cambridge, Mafs. 

Charles William Galloupe Bofton, Mafs. 

Erneft Lewis Gay, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 

Frederick Lewis Gay Brookline, Mafs. 

Julius Gay, A.M Farmington, Conn. 

Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M Salem, Mafs. 

Charles Ehot Goodfpeed Wollafton, Mafs. 

Ifaac John Greenwood, A.M New York, N. Y. 

Francis Perego Harper New York, N. Y. 

Prof. Albert Bumnell Hart, Ph.D Cambridge, Mafs. 

David Greene Halkins, Jr., A.M., LL.B Cambridge, Mafs. 

Winfield Scott Hill, M.D Augufta, Me. 

Amor Leander Hollingfworth, A.M Milton, Mafs. 

Mifs Cornelia Conway Felton Horsford .... Cambridge, Mafs. 

Archibald Murray Howe, A.M., LL.B Cambridge, Mafs. 

James Frothingham Hunnewell, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

David Hunt, A.M., M.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Frederick Thayer Hunt, A.B Weymouth, Mafs. 

The Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M Canton, Mafs. 

David Sherwood Kellogg, A.M., M.D. ..... Plattfburg, N. Y. 

Nathaniel Thayer Kidder, S. Agric. B Milton, Mafs. 

Edward Floyd de Lancey, M.A New York, N. Y. 

Ifaac Remfen Lane New York, N. Y. 

Mifs Agnes Chriftian Laut WafTaic, N. Y. 

The Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D Nahant, Mafs. 

Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, A.M., LL.B. . . . Bofton, Mafs. 

William Henry Maher Toledo, Ohio. 

Mrs. William Frederic Matchett Bofton, Mafs. 

Albert Matthews, A.B Bolton, Mafs. 

Frederick Warren Goddard May Bofton, Mafs. 

Edward Percival Merritt, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 



310 The Prince Society. 



Henry Watmough Montague, A.B Chelfea, Mafs. 

George Shattuck Morrifon, A.M., LL.B Peterboro, N. H. 

Harold Murdock Bofton, Mafs. 

Willard Atherton Nichols, B.S Redlands, Cal. 

The Rev. James De Normandie, D.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Prof. Charles Eliot Norton, LL.D Cambridge, Mafs. 

John Henry Ofborne Auburn, N. Y. 

Nathaniel Paine, A.M Worcefter, Mafs. 

Daniel Parifh, Jr New York, N. Y. 

The Rev. Henry Ainfworth Parker, A.M Cambridge, Mafs. 

James William Paul, Jr Philadelphia, Pa. 

Albert Turner Plummer New York, N. Y. 

Mrs. John V. L. Pruyn Albany, N. Y. 

James Ford Rhodes, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Nathaniel Morton Safford, A.M., LL.B Milton, Mafs. 

George Putnam Sanborn, LL.B Brooklyn, N. Y. 

James Schouler, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Arthur Hawley Scribner New York, N. Y. 

Jofhua Montgomery Sears, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 

Charles Archibald Shaw New York, N. Y. 

William Green Shillaber Bofton, Mafs. 

The Rev. Carlos Slafter, A.M Dedham, Mafs. 

The Rev. Edmund Farwell Slafter, D.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Charles Card Smith, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Charles Armftrong Snow, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 

Otho Sylvefter Arnold Sprague Chicago, 111. 

James Ringe Stan wood Portfmouth, N.H. 

John Ruggles Strong, A.M., LL.B Cambridge, Mafs. 

John Eliot Thayer, A.B South Lancafter, Mafs. 

John Stringer Tilney Orange, N. J. 

William Wallace Tooker Sag Harbor, N. Y. 

William Blake Tralk, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Mrs. Frances Batchelder Troup .... Offwell Houfe, Honiton, Eng. 

Henry Hobart Vail, LL.D New York, N. Y. 

Frank Mark Wethered . Auburn, Mafs. 



The Prince Society. 3 1 1 

Jofeph Cutler Whitney, A.B Milton, Mafs. 

Albert Rufus Whittier, Jr., A.B Milton, Mafs. 

Robert Charles Winthrop, Jr., A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

George Gregerfon Wolkins Bofton, Mafs. 



312 



The Prince Society. 



LIBRARIES. 



American Antiquarian Society Worcefter, Mafs. 

Amherft College Library Amherft, Mafs. 

Bangor Public Library Bangor, Me. 

Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico Mexico, Mexico. 

Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, France. 

Bodleian Library Oxford, Eng. 

Bofton Athenaeum Bofton, Mafs. 

Boftonian Society Boston, Mafs. 

Bowdoin College Library Brunfwick, Me. 

Britifh Mufeum London, Eng. 

John Carter Brown Library Providence, R.I. 

Buffalo Library Buffalo, N. Y. 

Cambridge Public Library Cambridge, Mafs. 

Canton Public Library Canton, Mafs. 

Chicago Public Library Chicago, 111. 

City Library Affociation Springfield, Mafs. 

Columbia College Library New York, N. Y. 

Concord Public Library Concord, Mafs. 

Congregational Library Bofton, Mafs. 

Dartmouth College Library Hanover, N. H. 

Dedham Public Library Dedham, Mafs. 

Detroit Public Library Detroit, Mich. 

Effex Inftitute Salem, Mafs. 

Fitchburg Public Library Fitchburg, Mafs. 

Free Public Library Worcefter, Mafs. 

Gale Free Library Holden, Mafs. 

Harvard College Library Cambridge, Mafs. 

Haverhill Public Library Haverhill, Mafs. 

Hiftorical Society of Pennfylvania Philadelphia, Pa. 

Lancafter Public Library Lancafter, Mafs. 

Library of Brown Univerlity Providence, R. I. 

Library Company of Philadelphia Philadelphia, Pa. 



The Prince Society. 



3i3 



Library of Cornell Univerfity Ithaca, N. Y. 

Library of the Northweftern Univerfity .... Evanfton, 111. 

Library of Parliament Ottawa, Canada. 

Library of the State Department Wafhington, D. C. 

Library of the Univerfity of Kanfas Lawrence, Kanfas. 

Library of the Univerfity of Michigan Ann Arbor, Mich. 

Library of the Univerfity of Pennfylvania .... Philadelphia, Pa. 

Library of the Univerfity of Vermont Burlington, Vt. 

Long Ifland Hiftorical Society Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Maine Hiftorical Society Portland, Me. 

Manitoba Hiftorical and Scientific Society . . . Winnipeg, Canada. 

Mark Skinner Library Manchefter, Vt. 

Maryland Hiftorical Society Baltimore, Md. 

Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society Bofton, Mafs. 

Mercantile Library New York, N. Y. 

Milwaukee Public Library Milwaukee, Wis. 

Minnefota Hiftorical Society . St. Paul, Minn. 

Nebraska State Historical Society Lincoln, Neb. 

Newberry Library . . Chicago, 111. 

Newburyport Public Library, Peabody Fund . . . Newburyport, Mafs. 

New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society . . . Bofton, Mafs. 

New Hamplhire State Library Concord, N. H. 

New London Public Library New London, Conn. 

Newton Free Library Newton, Mafs. 

New York Hiftorical Society New York, N. Y. 

New York Public Library New York, N. Y. 

Omaha Public Library Omaha, Neb. 

Peabody Inftitute of the City of Baltimore . . . Baltimore, Md. 

Pequot Library Southport, Conn. 

Pilgrim Society Plymouth, Mafs. 

Portfmouth Athenaeum Portfmouth, N. H. 

Providence Public Library Providence, R. I. 

Public Library Duluth, Minn. 

Public Library of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Public Library of the City of Bofton Bofton, Mafs. 

40 



314 The Prince Society. 

Public Library of Cleveland Cleveland, Ohio. 

Public Library of Toronto Toronto, Canada. 

Public Library of Victoria Melbourne, Vic. 

Quincy Hiftorical Society Quincy, Mafs. 

Redwood Library Newport, R. I. 

San Francifco Free Public Library San Francifco, Cal. 

Somerville Public Library Somerville, Mafs. 

Stadtbibliothek zu Hamburg Hamburg, Germany. 

State Hiftorical Society of Wifconfm Madifon, Wis. 

State Library of Maffachufetts Bofton, Mafs. 

State Library of Pennfylvania ........ Harrifburg, Pa. 

State Library of Rhode Ifland Providence, R. I. 

Stockbridge Library Affociation Stockbridge, Mafs. 

Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library Peabody, Mafs. 

Taunton Public Library Taunton, Mafs. 

Univerfity of Chicago Chicago, 111. 

Univerfity of the State of New York Albany, N. Y. 

Vaffar College Library . Poughkeepfie, N. Y. 

Williams College Library Williamftown, Mafs. 

Woburn Public Library Woburn, Mafs. 

Yale College Library . New Haven, Conn. 



PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY. 



New England's Prospect. 

A true, lively and experimentall defcription of that part of America, commonly called 
New England : difcovering the State of that Countrie, both as it ftands to our new-come 
EngliJJi Planters ; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. By William Wood. London, 
1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D. pp. 131. Bofton, 1865. 

The Hutchinson Papers. 

A Collection of Original Papers relative to the Hiftory of the Colony of MafTachufetts- 
Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M., and 
William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols. Vol. I. pp. 324. Vol. II. pp. 354. Albany, 1865. 

John Dunton's Letters from New England. 

Letters written from New England A.D. 1686. By John Dunton, in which are 
defcribed his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters of his friends 
and acquaintances. Now firft publifhed from the Original Manufcript in the Bodleian 
Library, Oxford. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M. pp. 340. Bofton, 1867. 

The Andros Tracts. 

Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers hTued during the period between 
the overthrow of the Andros Government and the eftablifhment of the fecond Charter of 
MafTachufetts. Reprinted from the original editions and manufcripts. With a Memoir 
of Sir Edmund Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 3 vols. Vol. I. pp. 
2155 1868. Vol. II. pp. 346 ; 1869. Vol. III. pp. 257 ; 1874. Bofton. 

Sir William Alexander and American Colonization. 

Including three Royal Charters, iffued in 1621, 1625, 1628 ; a Tract entitled an 
Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624 ; a Patent, from the Great 
Council for New England, of Long Ifland, and a part of the prefent State of Maine ; a 
Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland ; with a Memoir of Sir William Alexander, 
by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, D.D. pp. 283. Bofton, 1873. 

John Wheelwright. 

Including his Faft-day Sermon, 1637 ; his Mercurius Americanus, 1645, an d other 
writings ; with a paper on the genuineness of the Indian deed of 1629, and a Memoir by 
the editor, Charles H. Bell, LL.D. pp. 253. Bofton, 1876. 

Voyages of the Northmen to America. 

Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Weftern voyages by Northmen in 
the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an Englifh tranflation by North Ludlow Beamifh; 
with a Synopfis of the hiitorical evidence and the opinion of Profeffor Rafn as to the 
places vilited by the Scandinavians on the coaft of America. Edited, with an Introduc- 
tion, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, D.D. pp. 162. Bofton, 1877. 

The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain. 

Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, and in that of 
1619; tranilated from the French by Charles P. Otis, Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and 
hiitorical illuftrations, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, D.D. 3 vols. Vol. I. pp. 340; 
1880. Vol. II. pp. 273; 1878. Vol. III. pp. 240; 1882. Bofton. 



3 1 6 Publications of the Society. 



New English Canaan of Thomas Morton. 

Containing an abftract of New England, compofed in three books. I. The firft fetting 
forth the Originall of the Natives, their Manners and Cuftomes, together with their 
tra6table Nature and Love towards the Englifh. II. The Natural Indowments of the 
Countrie, and what Staple Commodities it yieldeth. III. What People are planted there, 
their Profperity, what remarkable Accidents have happened fince the firft planting of it, 
together with their Tenents and practice of their Church. Written by Thomas Morton 
of Cliffords Inne, Gent, upon ten Years Knowledge and Experiment of the Country, 
1632. Edited, with an Introduction and hiftorical illuftrations, by Charles Francis 
Adams, LL.D. pp. 381. Bofton, 1883. 

Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony in America. 

Containing the Royal Charter of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh for difcover- 
ing and planting of new lands and countries, March 25, 1584, with letters, difcourfes, and 
narratives of the Voyages made to Virginia at his charges, with original defcriptions of 
the country, commodities, and inhabitants. Edited, with a Memoir and hiftorical illuftra- 
tions, by the Rev. Increafe N. Tarbox, D.D. pp. 329. Bofton, 1884. 

Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson. 

Being an account of his travels and experiences among the North American Indians 
from 1652 to 1684, tranfcribed from Original Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and the 
Britifh Mufeum. Edited, with hiftorical illuftrations and an Introduction, by Gideon D. 
Scull, pp. 385. Bofton, 1885. 

Captain John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire.' 

Including his Tract on Newfoundland, 1620, the American Charters in which he was 
a Grantee, with Letters and other Hiftorical Documents ; and a Memoir by the late 
Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with hiftorical illuftrations, by John Ward Dean, A.M. 
pp. 492. Bofton, 1887. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine. 

Including his Tract entitled A Brief Narration, 1658, American Charters granted to 
him, and other papers ; with hiftorical illuftrations and a Memoir by James P. Baxter, 
A.M. 3 vols. Vol. I. pp. 268; 1890. Vol. II. pp. 270; 1890. Vol. III. pp. 353; 1890. 
Bofton. 

Antinomianism in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. 

Including the Short Story and other documents, 1636-1638. Edited, with hiftorical 
illuftrations, by Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. pp. 415. Bofton, 1804. 

John Checkley, or the Evolution of Religious Tolerance in Massa- 
chusetts Bay. 

Including Mr. Checkley's Controverfial Writings; his Letters and Other Papers; his 
Prefentment on the Charge of a Libel for Publifhing a Book ; his Speech at his Trial ; the 
Hon. John Read's Plea in Arreft of Judgment ; and a Bibliography of the great Controverfy 
on Epifcopacy by the Minifters of the ftanding order and the Clergy of the Church 
of England. 17 19-1774. With hiftorical illuftrations and a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund 
F. Slafter, D.D. 2 vols. Vol. I. pp. 288. Vol. II. pp. 320. Bofton, 1897. 

Edward Randolph. 

Including his Letters and Official Papers from the New England, Middle, and Southern 
Colonies in America, with Other Documents Relating chiefly to the Vacating of the 
Royal Charter of the Colony of Maffachufetts Bay, 1676-1703. With Hiftorical Illuftra- 
tions and a Memoir by Robert Noxon Toppan, A.M. 5 vols. Vol. I. pp. 328; Vol. II. 
pp. 337 ; 1898. Vol. III. pp. 365; Vol. IV. pp. 326; Vol. V. pp. 336. 1899. Bofton. 



Publications of the Society. 3 1 7 



Sir Humfrey Gylberte and his Enterprise of Colonization in America. 

Including his Difcourfe to prove a Northweft Paffage to Cataia ; his Letters Patent 
from Queen Elizabeth; Captain Edward Haies' Narrative; and other important papers 
and letters, together with annotations and a Memoir by the Rev. Carlos Slafter, A.M. 
pp. 335. Boston : 1903. 



VOLUMES IN PREPARATION. 

1. Samuel Maverick, including his Defcription of New England, Letters and other 
papers, with hiftorical illuftrations and a Memoir by Frank W. Hackett, A.M. 

2. The Letters of Governor Hutchinson and Lieut-Governor Oliver. 
1768-1769. With hiftorical illuftrations by Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, A.M. 

3. William Pyncheon and his Controverfy with the General Court of Maffachufetts 
Bay, including his work entitled " The Meritorious Price of Our Redemption, Juftifica- 
tion," etc., with Letters and other papers, together with a Memoir, by Charles Knowles 
Bolton, A.B. 



INDEX. 



INDEX 



A. 

Abraham, 35. 

Abftraft of Gylberte's letters patent, 

as Surveyor of Horfes, etc., for feven 

years, 208. 
Academy, Queen Elizabeth's, 21. 
Admiral, the temporary, of the port 

St. John's, 36. 
Advantages of a Southerly voyage, 

230-7. 
^Ethiopia, 79. 

Afrike, 53, 54, 56, 61, 69, 70, 71, 72, 

76, 77, 132, 133. 
Agarde, Mr. F., 187. 
Ager, or Auchier, Anne, 20, 253, 266, 

274, 275. 
Ager, Sir Anthony, 20. 
Agnes, William, 268. 
Agreement of Sir H. Gylberte with 

adventurers, 278, 295. 
Albertus, 82. 
Alcatrarzi, 66. 
Alexander, Sir William, 50. 
Alexander, 79, 85. 
Alexandria, 63. 
Alfred, King, 58. 



Allen, Gyles, 205. 
Alva, Duke of, 17. 

America, 13, 25, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 
61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 
76, 77, 79> 8 5> 88, 89, 105, no, 111, 
112, 113, 132, 133, 157. 

Americus Vefpucius, 55. 

Amerideth, John, gent, 255. 

Andrews, William, 31, 121. 

Anian, 60, 66, 132. 

Antel, John, gent., 254. 

Anthony, John, 255. 

Anthropophagi, 77. 

Antiffa, 55. 

Appianuz, 57. 

Arctic Ocean, 72. 

Arianus, 79. 

Ariftotle, 56, 57, 79. 

Arms of England fet up, 130. 

Arzina, 84. 

Afcham, Roger, 9. 

Afliley, Mrs. Kate, 4, 9. 

Afia, S3, 54, 56, 57, 60, 67, 75. 

Afinus Indicus, 81. 

Afketon, Wheyne, 201. 

Affuerus, 79, 87. 



Index. 



Atlantic, 47. 

Atlanticum Pelagus, 56. 
Atlantine, 56. 
Atlantis, 54, 55, 56. 
Atlas, Mt., 56. 
Atlas, Prince, 56. 

Azores, Afres, or Acores, 47, 71, 153, 
178, 179. 

B. 

Baccalaos, 33, 62, 124, 131. 
Bacon, Francis, 22. 
Bactria, 79. 
Bagnall, 190. 
Baldifmire, 265. 
Baldon, 201. 
Ballangoare, 201. 
Balleallenay, 201. 
Ballernowe, 201. 
Balletymore Me, 226. 
Ballkey cape, 226. 
Baltimore haven, 119. 
Baiting] as, 190. 
Ban, the, 189. 

Band of Shot, Gylberte's, 190. 

Banke, the, 173. 

Banks of New Foundland, 123. 

BarbarovTa, Frederic, 69. 

Barberie, 72. 

Barke, Denye, 257. 

Barke, Ralegh, 31, 32, 120, 121. 

Barker, Henry, gent., 264. 

Baros, John, 66. 

Barques, French, 34. 

Battes, Mr., 253. 

Beare Haven, 1 19. 

Bedford, Lord of, 246, 248. 

Bernes and Tooles, 189. 

Berofus, 79. 



Binbryle, 193. 

Birds of Newfoundland, 136. 
Birne, Edward, 190. 
Bifcaine, 90. 
Bifcay, 165. 

Bifcayans, 37, 41, 138, 226. 

Black, Robin, 255. 

Blackborne, mate, 257. 

Bofphorus, 82. 

Bramforde, Oliver, 276. 

Bravery of Colonel Gylberte, 198, 199. 

Brazil, 147, 231, 233, 235. 

Breton, or Briton, cape, 42, 116, 119, 

132, 140, 141, 142. 
Browne, Captain Maurice, 31, 33, 42, 

121, 139, 145, 171, 189. 
Bucly, Charles, gent., 255. 
Buda, 145, 169, 174. 
Budaeus, 145. 
Burgate, Ex'r, 269. 

Burlegh, Lord (William Cecil), 22, 58, 

100, 212, 213, 219, 221. 
Butler, Benjamin, gent, 255. 
Butler, Captain, 31, 120. 
Burys, 55. 
Byarmia, 58. 

C. 

Cabot, John, 105, 109, no. 

Cabot, Sebaftian, 79, 88, 106, 109. 

Cade, Mailer of the Squirrell, 31, 121. 

Caefar, Auguftus, 54. 

Calabria, 55. 

Calais, 11, 224. 

Cales, Edward, 257. 

Calicut, 61. 

Callis, John, 257. 

Cam, 56. 

Canada, 131, 165. 



Index. 



323 



Canada, river of, 113. 

Canoa (canoe), 70, 71. 

Cardes and Plats perifhed, 131. 

Carew, Sir Peter, 5, 15. 

Carews, 3, 6. 

Carolus V., 88. 

Carter, Arthur, 258, 263. 

Cartier, Jaques, 62, 63, 65. 

Caftell, New, 201. 

Caftor and Pollux, 48, 154. 

Cataia, or Cathay, 13, 14, 23, 24, 26, 
29* 53, 57, 59, 6 °, 6l > 62, 66, 78, 79, 
80, 81, 82, 105, 183, 184, 185. 

Cathaians, 54. 

Catholics, 29. 

Caufet Bay, 30, 31, 114, 120, 121, 178. 
Cecil, Sir William, 17, 58, 100, 192, 

193, 197. 
Celer, Quintus Metellus, 68. 
Ceremiffi Tartari, 83. 
Certificate of caufes of Mr. Knoles' 

departure from Gylberte, 250-252. 
Cevola, 66. 
Champernowne, a, 4. 
Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 192, 261. 
Champernowne, Catherine, 3. 
Champernowne, Charles, gent., 254. 
Champernowne, Sir Philip, 3. 
Champernownes, 4, 6. 
Cheyney, Lord, 296. 
Chichefters, 15. 
China, 24, 26, 53, 65. 
Chifani, 75. 
Chrifl, 35, 68, 79, 89. 
Chrift Church, 169. 
Chrift's Prophecies, 110. 
Chronicle of Spain, 54. 
Church and State, officials of, 10. 
Church of England, 129. 
Ciremiffi, 75. 



Clarke, Richard, Mailer of Delight, 3r, 

120, 147, 160. 
Clarke's relation, 161 -166. 
Climate of New Foundland, 173. 
Cloth in England abundant, 231. 
Codfifh in great numbers and fize, 140. 
Coligny, 12. 
Colmax, 82. 

Columbus, Chriftopher, 24, 55, 89, 90, 
100. 

Commaunder, Robert, 205. 
Commiffion of Sir H. Gylbert againft 

Fitzmaurice, 258. 
Compafs, variation of, 73. 
Compton, 95. 
Conception Bay, 33, 124. 
Conde, 11, 12. 
Confentinum, 54. 

Conylough, or Conneloe, 197, 200. 
Copper works, 212. 
Corgragg, 201. 
Corinthian, 55. 

Corke, 15, 18, 190, 193, 199, 269, 272. 
Cornelius Nepos, 68, 69. 
Corporation by Parliament, 14. 
Corporation for difcovery of new 

trade, 184, 185. 
Corre Fifh, 123. 

Cortenaytowbryte-Dwinmoellen, 201. 
Corterealis, 79, 88. 
Cofmographers of China, 66, 67. 
Courfe of the voyage, 118. 
Courterenus, 62. 
Courtneys, 15. 

Cox, William, Matter, 31, 121, 141, 

143, H4- 
Craghan, 201. 
Cranmer, Archbifhop, 9. 
Crantor the Grecian, 54. 
Cuba, 29. 



324 



Index. 



D. 

Daniel the Saxon, 40, 46, 137, 151. 
Danube, 169. 
Danubius, 74, 82. 
Dartmoor forefts, 3. 
Dartmouth, 2, 5, 155, 156, 256. 
Dartmouth harbor, 3. 
Dart river, 2. 

Davels, Henry, Efq., 258, 263, 274. 
David, Robert, 120. 
Davis, Robert, 31. 

Delight, the, 31, 36, 42, 43, 45, 46, 

120, 139, 143, 144, 170. 
Demongenitus, Francifcus, 57. 
De Mundo, 54, 56. 
Denmark, King of, 244. 
Denye, Edwarde, Efq., Captain, 256. 
Denys, Mr., coufin of Gylberte, 249. 
Defmond, Earl of, 14, 19, 191, 194, 

195, 272. 
Defmond, Sir John of, 194. 
Deffees, or Decees, Vifcount of the, 

191. 

Dethick, Edward, gent., 253. 
Devonshire, 2, 5, 6, 95, 136. 
Digby, Edward, 257. 
Digby, Simond, 257. 
Dillon, Lucas, 260, 264. 
Dingle, the, 262. 

Direction of Courfe to New Found- 
land, 119. 

Difcontent of colonics, 41. 

Difcouragement of feamen, 44. 

Difcourfe on annoying the King of 
Spain, 237-244. 

Difcourfe on Ireland, 222. 

Difcourfe on North Weft paffage, 53- 
91. 

Dix, William, 189. 



Drake, Samuel G., 177. 
Drake, Sir Francis, 27, 29. 
Drury, Sir William, 258, 260, 262, 
275, 276. 

Drury to Gylberte, extending his 

power by commiffion, 262. 
Dublin, 264. 
Dublin Caftle, 258, 260. 
Dudley, Ambrofe, 11. 
Duties affigned by Gylberte, 130. 
Dwina river, 82. 
Dyckonfon, one, 214. 

E. 

Eaft India, 53. 

Edgertowne, 197. 

Edward I. and II., 15. 

Edward VI., 5, 58. 

Eliot, Thomas, 190. 

Eliphante, the, 256. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 4, 5, 6, 10, 13, 15, 
17, 19, 25, 26, 46, 48, 95, 129, 177, 
183, 184, 187, 194, 278, 290. 

Eltofte, Edward, 252. 

Eltope, Edward, Efq., 254. 

Embden, 87. 

Emperours, German, 69. 

England, 2, 3, 6, 10, 13, 14, 32, 40, 44, 
45, 48, 5°> 56, 7i, 76, 80, 90, 96, 97, 
98, 107, no, 114, 122, 123, 125, 127, 
129, 133, 137, 139, 148, 149, 150, 
152, 153, 157, 165, 166, 169, 170, 
171, 180, 191, 204, 214, 223, 224, 
225, 226, 227, 229, 231, 232, 233, 
234, 238, 270, 271, 277, 280, 281, 
288, 292, 295. 

Englifh captains and merchants re- 
ceive Gylberte hofpitably, 36. 

Englifti Channel, 5. 



Index. 



3 2 5 



Englifh Colony, the firft projected, 26. 
Englifh heart, 4. 
Englifli, John, 253. 
Englifh pale, 222. 
Englifh People, 10. 

Englifh Right to North America, no. 
Eftimate of three months' expenfe by 

Sir H. Gylberte, 202-206. 
Eton School, 6, 7, 8. 
Europe, 35, 53, 54, 56, 57, 70, 71, 85, 

87, no, 132, 133, 231. 
Evelyn, 10. 

F. 

Falcon, the Queen's fhip, 254. 
Falmouth, 155. 

Fardendred, a Portugal, mate, 254. 
Feaft of Admirals, 37, 128. 
Feldinge, Fardenando, 257. 
Fenton, Gregory, Captain, 257. 
Ferdinando of Caftilia, 89. 
Fermous, 118. 
Feverfham, 265. 
Finnmark, 62, 82. 
Fifhes of Newfoundland, 134. 
Fitzalexander, Edward, 191. 
Fitzmaurice, James, 17, 18, 193, 206, 

258, 259, 263. 
Fitzfymonds, Nicholas, 205. 
Fitzwilliams, Sir William, 204. 
Flanders, 55, 87. 
Flere, John, gent., 254. 
Flogging day at Eton, 7. 
Florida, 29, 88, 105, 107, 109, no, 235. 
Florida, Cape of, 30, 115, 116. 
Fofcue, Mr., 258. 
Fofter, James, 205. 
Fowler, Thomas, 255. 
France, 63, 68, 71, 77, 87, 132, 147, 

166, 223. 



Francis, the Barke, 257. 
Fredo, Cape, 62. 

French, 37, 106, 109, 123, 224, 232, 

234, 242. 
French King, 88. 
French limited by God, 109. 
Frenchmen, 41, 60, 138. 
Fretum Trium Fratrum, 68. 
Friar, John, phyfition, 253. 
Frigat Squirrell, 153, 154, 160, 275. 
Frio, Cape, 88. 

Frobifher, Martin, 24, 25, 29. 

Frobifher's Strait, 24. 

Full Pay of Sir H. Gylberte, 195. 



G. 

Gallion, the, 255. 
Ganges, 79. 
Garaab, 79. 
Garden, the, 38, 128. 
Gafcoigne, George, 24. 
Gaftaldus, 57. 
Gayccardinus, 57. 
Gemma Frifius, 57. 
Genifon, 189. 
Genuois, 55. 

Geographical fcience, 12. 
George, the fhip, 120. 
Geraldines, 14. 

Germany, 68, 69, 71, 77, 132, 270. 
Gerrard, Sir Thomas, petitions Wal- 

fingham about Gylberte's Patent, 

270-71. 
Gibraltar, 54, 63. 
Gillemakno of Suppelles, 201. 
Goeghe, Alexander, prieft, 268. 
Gold and Silver, 97. 
Golden Hinde, 31, 32, 42, 43, 44, 45, 



326 



Index. 



48, 121, 122, I39, 141, 143, 144, I48, 

149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 156. 
Golden Hinde of Sir F. Drake, 31. 
Gomara, Lopez de, 67. 
Gomes, Stephan, 88. 
Good Hope, 61. 

Gofpel, goeth from South to North, 1 10. 
Gothes, 69. 
Graecia, 82. 

Grand Bay, 124, 134, 165. 

Granger, John, 257. 

Graves, Lieutenant, 200. 

Great Schools of England, 7. 

Greece, 23, 63. 

Greenway, 2, 3, 4, 26, 254. 

Greenwich, 47, 265. 

Grene, Thomas, 257. 

Grenvilles, 15. 

Grey, Lord, 276. 

Groneland, 54, 57, 58, 59, 88. 

Grynefs, Simon, 56. 

Guernfey, 292. 

Guinea, 235. 

Guife, Duke of, 11. 

Gulf Stream, 45. 

Gylberte, Sir Adrian, 13. 

Gylberte, Anne, 49, 295. 

Gylberte, Sir Humfrey, fpelling of the 
name, 2 ; birth-place, 2 ; childhood, 
3 ; religious influences, 4 ; fchool- 
ing, 6; at Eton, 6, 7, 8 ; at Oxford, 
9; in the fervice of princefs Eliza- 
beth, 9, 10; military fervice at 
Havre, 11, 12; wounded, 11; geo- 
graphical ftudy, 12, 13; petitions 
the Queen for privileges of dif- 
covery, 1 566, 13; propofals for fame, 
1567, 13; his thrift, 13, 14; Captain 
under Sidney in Ireland, 14, 15; 
Colonel of Munfter, 16, 17, 18; 



knighted by Sidney, Jan. 1, 1570, 
18; member of Parliament for Ply- 
mouth, 19, 20; defends Queen's pre- 
rogative, 20 ; marries Anne Ager of 
Kent, 20 ; his children, 20 ; refi- 
dence, 20 ; Plans an Academy for 
London, 21 ; commands an expedi- 
tion to the Netherlands, 1572, 21; 
Surveyor-General of horfes, armour, 
etc., feven years from 1571, 22; 
compofes his difcourfe to prove a 
North weft paffage to China, 23, 24 ; 
receives a charter from Queen Eliza- 
beth to colonize in America, June 1 1, 
1578, 25, 26; failed from Dartmouth 
on his firft expedition, Sept. 23, 1578, 
27 ; returned unfuccefsful, May, 1579, 
28 ; again in Ireland fall of 1 579, as 
admiral of the Queen's mips, 28 ; 
received aid from Sir George Peck- 
ham for a fecond expedition, 29; 
fails from Caufet bay near Plymouth 
on his laft expedition, June 11, 1583, 
30, 31; enters harbor of St. John's, 
35, 36 ; fpends Sunday, Auguft 4, on 
more, 38; makes St. John's the 
centre of his colony, 38 ; took formal 
poffeffion Auguft 5, 1583, 39; pub- 
lifhed three laws, 39, 40; the arms 
of England fet up, 40 ; his colonifts 
fall into diforder, 41 ; decides to go 
to the South to winter, 42, 43 ; lofs 
of the Delight and moft of his pro- 
vifions, 43 ; began his return to Eng- 
land, Auguft 1, 44; choofes to remain 
in the Squirrell, a veffel of 10 tons, 
47; about 12 o'clock Sept. 9, the 
light of his little veffel difappeared 
and the career of Sir Humfrey Gyl- 
berte was ended, 48. 



Index. 



Gylberte, John, to Walfingham, thank- 
ing him for favors, 260. 

Gylberte, Sir John, 13, 136, 155, 156, 
246, 260. 

Gylberte, Lady, remembrances for, 
295. 

Gylberte, Otho, 3. 
Gylbertes of Devonfhire, 2. 
Gylbertes, young, 4, 6, 15. 

H. 

Haies, Captain Edward, 31, 32, 34, 35, 
38, 40, 45, 46, 47, 103, 105, 121, 170. 

Haies' Narrative of Gylberte's Expe- 
dition, 105-158. 

Hakluyt, Richard, 26, 53, 169, 170, 171, 
174. 

Hamborow, 87. 

Hamerton, Anthonye, gent., 254. 
Hamonde, Thomas, gent., 258. 
Hampton, 178, 295. 
Harbart, George, gent., 255. 
Harvye, Jaques, gent., 255. 
Harwich, 155. 
Hatfield, 9. 
Havre, 11. 

Hawkins, Sir John, 235. 
Hawkins, William, 252. 
Hazlitt, William Carew, 8. 
Headley, 146, 147. 

Hecker's Epidemics of the Middle 

Ages, 11. 
Hedly, Matter, 163. 
Heile, a juftice, 246. 
Hele, John, Mayor, Plymouth, 251. 
Heneage, Mr., 206. 
Henry II., 15. 
Henry VII., 88, no. 
Henry VIII., 3. 



Henry, the Saxon, 145. 
Heringe, William, gent., 253. 
Hefter, 79, 86. 
Heykenborow, Cowrte, 255. 
Hilfdon, James, gent., 254. 
Hiftoric perfonages, how to be judged, 
2. 

Hobbey, Sir Edward, 296. 
Hochalega, 57. 

Holbeame, a noted pirate, 246. 
Holly Head, 264. 
Honne, 201. 

Hope, The, Vice Admiral, 274. 
Hopton, George, gent., 257. 
Horfelye, William, 254. 
Howlingby, Stevens, 257. 
Hudfon's Straits, 24. 
Hugford, William, gent., 254. 
Humility of Gylberte, in a letter to 

Cecil, 196. 
Humfrey, Matter Doctor, 169. 
Hunterus, 57. 

I. 

Icebergs, 32. 

India, 56, 57, 69, 71, 72, 73, 79, 85, 87. 
Indians, 68, 69, 70, 71, 76, 77, 79, 85, 

87, 88. 
Indias, 234. 
Indies, 23. 

Inftructions to Gylberte by Juftice 
and Council, 262. 

Intemperate Humors of Sir H. Gyl- 
berte, 158. 

Ireland, 14, 16, 18, 25, 26, 28, 59, 62, 
7i, 75> 77, 78, 98, 101, 116, 189, 190, 
191, 195, 204, 206, 222, 223, 224, 
225, 226, 227, 244, 262, 265, 271, 272, 
274, 276, 277, 293. 



328 Index. 



Irifh Lords, vengeful, 18. 
Irifh Nation, 19. 
Italy, 54, 63, 132. 



Japhet, 56. 

Jenkinfon, Anthony, 63, 73, 80. 

Jerrard, William, 260, 264. 

Jerfey, 292. 

Jefus Chrift, 154. 

John Rufus, archbifhop, 54. 

Jones, Lewes, gent., 255. 

Judgment expreffed by the Queen of 

Gylberte's fervices, 195. 
Juftine, 55. 

K. 

Kenrey, 200. 

Kenfale, or Kinfal, 266, 275, 293. 

Kent, 20, 265. 

Kerry, 16, 190. 

Kilanney, 262. 

Killanohwne, 201. 

Killfenney, 201. 

Killmallock, 15, 17, 18, 193, 194, 197, 

200. 
Killmollin, 190. 
Killmore, 190. 
King, a Chriftian, 35. 
Kippis, Andrew, n. 
Knoles, complained of by Gylberte, 

245-248. 

Knoles' conduct explained by Gyl- 
berte, 248-250. 

Knollis, Francis, brother of Henry, 
257. 

Knollis, or Knoles, Henry, Captain, 
29, 245, 248, 251, 252, 256. 



L. 



Labrador, 33, 62, 63, 64, 65, 77, 88. 
Lacy, one, hanged and quartered, 202. 
Lands in ee farme granted, 130. 
Lappia, 62, 82. 
Laroughcor, 190. 
Latimer, Bifhop. 9. 
Latin at Eton, 7. 
Laughlin bridge, 189. 
Laws publifhed by Sir H. Gylberte, 
39- 

Leibnitz, G. W., 22. 
Leicefter, Lord, 218, 221, 249. 
Leonard, John, gent., 246. 
Lefemottey, 201. 

Letter of Parmenius to Hakluyt, 169- 
174. 

Letter of Gylberte to Walfingham, 
177-180. 

Letter of Queen Elizabeth to Sidney, 
Lord Deputy to Ireland, 187. 

Letters Patent read to an Affembly, 39. 

Letters Patent of Queen to Gylberte, 
95-102. 

Letters Patent, ufe of, 236. 

Lewes, Rife, gent., 255. 

Liebig, Baron von, 22. 

Limehoufe, 141. 

Limehurft, 20, 22, 24, 25. 

Limerick, 15, 16, 190, 197, 202. 

Lift of Gylberte's expedition of 1578, 
253-258. 

London, plague in, 12. 

London, 21, 29, 155, 214, 215. 

Longfellow, 47. 

Long fervice to the Queen by Sir 

Humfrey Gylberte, 273. 
Lord Chancellor of England, 295. 
Luther, Martin, 22. 



Index. 



329 



Loveles and Callice, evil men, 247. 
Lowghfoyle, 189. 

M. 

Mackefhe, Captain Connor, 202. 
Mackeflie, Captain Owen, 202. 
Mackeme, Captain William, 202. 
Maderaes, 179. 
Maeotis Palus, 55, 82. 
Magellan, 53, 6r, 62, 65, 71, 77, 231, 
233- 

Malbie, Nicholas, 260, 264. 
Mangia, 60, 61, 66, 83. 
Mar del Sur, 53, 59, 64, 65, 71, 78, 85. 
Mare Atlanticum, 56. 
Mare Glaciale, 72, 73, 74, 81, 82. 
Mare Goticum, 74. 
Mare Indicum, 79. 
Mare Mediterraneum, 62, 73, 74. 
Mare Rubrum, 73. 
Marinasus Siculus, 54. 
Marfilius Ficinus, 54. 
Martin, John, gent., 255. 
Martyr, Petrus, 57. 
Marvayle, Edward, boatfwain, 255. 
Mary, Queen, 5, 6, 9, 10. 
Mathew, Edward, gent., 255. 
Maurice, Sir, 191. 
Maynwaring, Roger, 204. 
Meadley, William, alchemift, 22, 213, 
219, 220. 

Meadley 's Letters to Cecil, 213-219, 

219-221. 
Meaghe, juftice, 258, 263. 
Meeting of Captains and Matters, 127. 
Memoir of Sir Humfrey Gylberte, 1-50. 
Memoir, the, apology for, 1. 
Memoir, the, obje£l of, 1. 
Memoir, the, fources of, 2. 
Mendoza, the Spaniih minifter, 27, 29. 



Mendoza, Anthony, Viceroy of New 

Spain, 64. 
Merchant adventurers, 278, 279, 294. 
Mermaids' fongs, 238. 
Merrymaking on Golden Hinde, 150. 
Merryman, Patricke, 204. 
Meffmger, Arthur, gent., 255. 
Meta Incognita, 25. 
Metals of Newfoundland, 137. 
Meth, County of, 190. 
Mexican people, fins of, 35. 
Mexico, 35, 66, 78, 79, 235. 
Might, Thomas, 204. 
Minfter, Manor of, 295, 297. 
Mifchief plotted, 138. 
Moluccas, or Moluccas, 29, 57, 64, 83, 

231, 233. 
Money bearing Casfar's image, 54. 
Montezuma, 35. 
Montmorency, 11. 
More, John, 250. 
More, McCarthy, 193. 
More, William, 257. 
Morgan, Captain Myles, 13, 246, 252, 

255. 

Morris dancers, 31. 
Morfe, the, 80. 
Morfe, Olde, Mailer, 257. 
Mofcovia, 58, 83, 134. 
Mofcovite, 84. 

Motus ab Oriente ad Occidentem, 65. 

Mountains of Ice, 122. 

Mountjoy, Lady Catherine, 22, 212, 

213, 214, 220. 
Mountjoy's Letter to Burghly, 212. 
Mountjoy, Lord, 215. 
Munfter, 15, 17, 18, 191, 196, 202, 205, 

258, 263. 

Munfterus, a modern geographer, 57. 
Mufcovy company, 291. 



42 



330 



Index. 



N. 

Narve, river, 84. 

Natinidad, P. de la, 64. 

Natolia, 63. 

Navarre, King of, 11. 

Navie, Queen's, 85. 

Neat and Swine on Sablon, 140. 

Neper, river, 74. 

Neptune, 3. 

Netherlands, 17, 21. 

New arrangements for the refte of the 

voyage by Gylberte, 42. 
Newfoundland, 30, 36, 43, 50, 75, 107, 

115, i l6 > Il8 > I22 > I2 3> 131, 132, i33> 

134, 138, 147, 151, 160, 165, 169, 171, 

174, 234. 
Newland, 115. 
Newlander, 33, 34, 126. 
New Scotland Enterprife, 50. 
New Spain, 29. 
Newetowne, 201. 
Newtervile, Richard, 190. 
Niger, Dominicus Marius, 69. 
Noah, 56. 

Noell, Henry, Efq., 254. 

Noelles, Henry, 252. 

Normoria, 58. 

Northweft PafTage, 23, 27. 

North Carolina, 50. 

Norumbega, 160. 

Norvegia, 82. 

Norway, 62. 134, 164. 

Notre Dame Bay, 33. 

Nova Hifpania, 64. 

Nova Scotia, 50. 

Nowel, Mr., fervant of Cecil, 58. 

Nycholas, Thomas, gent., 255. 

Nychols, Richard, 255. 



O. 

Ob, river, 74, 82. 

Occarol's grief pleafing to the queen, 
190. 

Ocean, the great, 64, 73, 91, 153. 

Ocean fub-currents, 63. 

Oceanus Pacificus, 71. 

Ocean, Weftern, 71, 89. 

Ochther, Navigation of, 58, 59. 

Ogg, Alexander, 188. 

Oneale, 188. 

O'Neile, Shane, 14. 

Orange, Prince of, 239, 244. 

Orders to be obferved by fleet of 

Gylberte, 117. 
Ormonde, Earl of, 1 5, 206, 268. 
Ormonde's Letter on Gylberte's fer- 

vices, 206-7. 
Ortelius, 57, 78. 

Othon, hiftorian of the Goths, 69. 
Ounces, or leopards, 133. 
Owftell, Henry, 205. 
Oxford, 9, 10, 169. 
Oxford Catalogue, 9. 

P. 

Pacific ocean, 24. 

Pale, the, 16. 

Pallyfe, the, 201. 

Papifts and Proteftants, 14. 

Papiftrie, 232. 

Paramantia, Cape de, 57. 

Parmenius, Stephanus of Buda, 43, 

169, 170, 174. 
Parrett, or Perrot, Sir John, 18, 28, 274. 
PafTage, the, a harbor in Spain, 165. 
Paul, John, 141, 142. 
Paule, Richard, 205. 



Index. 



33i 



Paul's Cathedral, 8. 

Paulus Venetus, 61. 

Peafe in abundance in New Found- 
land, 141. 

Peckham, Sir George, 28, 35, 114, 221, 
270. 

Pedley, Mr. Henry, 253. 
Peleglohane, 201. 
Penguin Ifland, 124, 170. 
Penfton, 201. 
Pepys, 10. 
Perdew, John, 254. 
Peru, 29. 

Peruvian people> 35* 
Perth, 169. 

Petition of Gylberte to Queen Eliza- 
beth, 183-4. 

Petition to High Admiral Lincoln by 
gentlemen of the weft country, 228. 
229. 

Philo the Jew, 54. 
Philofopher's Stone, 22. 
Philoftratus, 79. 

Pinneffe, made in New Foundland, 146. 

Piper, Andrew, gent., 254. 

Piracy of the Swallow's crew, 33, 125. 

Pizarro, Francefco, 35. 

Placentia, 134, 141. 

Plague, the, n. 

Plantations in Ireland, 187. 

Plato, 54, 55, 57, 89. 

Plinie (Pliny), 68, 69. 

Plymouth, 19, 27, 28,30, 121, 170, 246, 

247, 248, 250, 253, 256. 
Poictou, 132. 
Pole, the, 73, 74, 83. 
Polifacus fluvius, 78. 
Pontus Euxinus, 63, 82. 
Poole, 215, 216. 
Pope, 54. 



Pope's authority, 235. 

Porpoifes portend ftorm, 143. 

Popham, Sir John, 50. 

Portugal, 37, 41, 57, 60, 61, 66, 70, 71, 
77, 78, 85, 87, 88, 89, 123, 128, 138, 
140, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 242. 

Portugal's wine, 46. 

Poffeffion of the country taken, 129. 

Primum Mobile, 61. 

Princes of Atlantis, 54. 

Private marks, 120. 

Privileges of emigrants, 99. 

Privileges fought by Gylberte, 227. 

Proclus, 54. 

Promontorium Corterialis, 78. 
Propofals of Gylberte to Elizabeth, 

184-186. 
Puteamus, Bernardus, 57. 
Pynnoch, Thomas, 205. 
Pyrrha, 55. 

Queen Regent of France, 12. 
Quick, Robert, 190. 
Quintus, Curtius, 79, 85. 
Quinfay, or Quinzai, 60, 83. 
Quivera, 66. 

R. 

Race, cape, 42, 45, 116, 118, 119, 133, 
140, 141, 142, 150, 151, 160. 

Ralegh, Carew, 3, 254. 

Ralegh, Mr. Walter, 3, 5, 6. 

Ralegh, Sir Walter, 5, 18, 31, 32, 50, 
120, 252, 254, 271. 

Ralegh's letter about Gylberte, 271-2. 

Raleghs, 4, 6. 

Ralff Ballegeltegone, 201. 



332 



Index. 



Ralph Roifter Doifter, 8. 
Ramufms, Baptifta, 90. 
Range, 155. 
Rafpis berries, 38. 

Reckoning to mow where the Delight 

was loft, 142. 
Red Crofs Street, 20, 177. 
Red Lyon, 254. 
Relief, 266, 268, 275. 
Religion, kept back, 107. 
Religion moves weft ward, no. 
Religious perfecution, 4. 
Rendezvous for mips, 119. 
Renoldes, Thomas, gent., 253. 
Return, arrangements for, 139. 
Return commenced, 44. 
Richmond, 192. 
Ridley, Bifhop, 9. 
Robertes, John, 252. 
Robert Towne, 201. 
Rogneux, 118. 
Rogers, Captain, 268. 
Rogers, Francis, gent., 255. 
Roman Catholic Religion, 5. 
Rome, 23. 
Rouen, 11. 
Rowe, Antoine, 190. 
Royal Society of London, 21. 
Ruffia, 84, 134. 
Rynekerkey, 201. 

S. 

Sablon, 42, 140, 160, 162. 
Sagadahock, 50. 
Saluaterra, 78. 
Santa Domingo, 29. 
Scalumnus, a Dane, 78. 
Scandia, 82. 

Scandinavian Sea Rovers, 35. 



Scolmus, the Dane, 88. 
Scotland, 224, 244. 
Scott, Sir Walter, 8. 
Scotts, 223. 
Scythia, 75. 
Scythians, 60. 
Scythian Sea, 63. 
Sea Card, 78. 

Sea Cards, error in and improvements 

of, 91. 
Sea Lion appears, 149. 
Sea Superum, 54. 
Secrecy about ores, 138. 
Sedgrave, Chriftopher, 205. 
Sem (Shem), 56. 

Sentleger to Ormond about the fliip 

Relief, 268, 269. 
Sentleger, Sir W., 268, 269, 276. 
Settlement, flrft in North America 

by Englimmen, nr. 
Severity of Gylberte, 201. 
Shannet, 201. 
Sharpam, Captain, 258. 
Sheppy, Ifle of, 295. 
Sheppy, Minfter of, 273, 295. 
Ship of Gylberte no longer needed in 

Ireland, 265. 
Ship laden with fifti carried away, 

138. 

Ships, lift of Gylberte's, 31. 
Ships, reckoning for, by Sir H. Gyl- 
berte, 266. 
Ships taxed, 130. 
Shote Cearne, L. of, 198. 
Shute, Captain, 197. 
Sicilia, 54. 

Sicknefs of Sir H. Gylberte, 195. 
Sidney, Sir Henry, 14, 15, 16, 17, 78, 

187, 191* i9 2 > 194- 
Sidney, Mary, 197. 



Index. 



333 



Sidrach, 79. 
Sierra Nevada, 66, 85. 
Silley (Scilly), 119. 
Sinus Bodicus, 73. 
Sinus Corinthiacus, 55. 
Sinus Periicus, 73. 
Skevington, Thomas, gent., 253. 
Smirwicke (Dingle), 262. 
Smith, Sir Thomas, 22, 213, 215, 220. 
Smythe, Henry, 257. 
Smythe, Richard, 253. 
Soil of New Foundland, 135. 
Southampton, 280, 281, 282, 292, 293, 
295. 

Spain, 24, 56, 63, 71, 77, 78, 87, 89, 
109. 165, 223, 233, 234, 235, 237. 

Spaniards, 54, 57, 60, 79, 85, 89, 90, 
109, 165, 166, 223, 224, 226, 228, 232, 
235- 

Spanifh, 20, 25, 242. 
Spanim adventurers, 35. 
Spanim atrocities, 17. 
Spanifh Colonies, 25. 
Spanifh defcent, 5. 
Spanifh difcoveries, 4. 
Spanim efpionage, 27, 
Spanifh jurifdiction limited by God, 
109. 

Spanim nuptials, 5. 

Spanim fupremacy, 23. 

Spanifh fufpicions of Gylberte's fecond 

voyage, 29. 
Sparrow, Rife, 255. 
Spenlow, Walter, 257. 
Speranca, Cap de buona, 61, 62, 65, 

70, 77- 
Spinoza. Benedict, 22. 
SquirrelL 31, 32, 36, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 

121, 122, 126, 139, 144, 148, 150, 

255, 256. 



St. Francis, Cape of, 33, 124, 126. 

St. John de Luz, 165. 

St. Johns, 36, 38, 42, 86, 126, 130, 140, 

151. 160, 169. 171. 174. 
St, Lawrence, 131, 14S, 165. 
St. Lawrence Mand, 240. 
St. Nicholas, 5S, 83. 
St. Patterickes-Hill, 201. 
Stanton, Howard, 7. 
Statutes againft fugitives, 96. 
Stirling, Earl of, 50. 
Stonewell, William, gent., 253. 
Strabo, 56. 
Strangford, 189. 

Stuclee (Stukeley), Thomas, 235. 

Suevia, 68. 

Suit. Mr., 193. 

Sunday, Auguft 4, 1 583, 38. 

Sunday on more, 128. 

Supplies collected, 40. 

Surgite, 7. 

Swallow, the, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 38, 42, 

121, 122, 124, 126, 255. 
Swallow left to carry home the lick, 

139- 

Sweedland, 134. 

Sydney's remembrance of the Queen's 

refolutions, 1S9-191. 
Sygerfon, Raphe, 205. 

T. 

Tanais, 62, 74, 82. 
Tanner, Enfign, 200. 
Tartaria, 60, 75, 81. 
Tartaria, Fifhermen of, 80. 
Tartarians, 60, 80. 
Taxation becomes neceflary, 37. 
Tercera, 179. 
Terra Nova, 64. 



334 Index. 



Thamefis, 73. 
Thickpenny, John, 205. 
Thomas, John, 204. 
Thomonde, 206, 207. 
Thornton, Captain, 264. 
Three laws promulgated, 129. 
Tides, how maintained, 64. 
Tidore, 64. 
Timaeo, 54. 
Tonne, Drew, 255. 
Tor Bay, 3. 

Tormentofo, El Cabo, 61. 
Torraflorida, 235. 
Torre, Barnard de la, 64, 65. 
Torrida Zona, 72. 
Totnefs, 2. 

Tower, the, 9, 10, 194. 
Tramafinus, Michael, 57. 
Tramontanus, 57. 

Tranfmutation of iron into copper by 

vitriol, 22, 213. 
Tredath, 18. 

Trees of Newfoundland, 135. 

Trepaffa, 141. 

Tulford, Jame, gent., 254. 

Turbi Tartari, 75. 

Turkey, 169. 

Turks, 72. 

Turlough Lynoghe, 188. 
Turner, Jeremye, 257. 
Tufler, Thomas, flogging of, 8. 
Tuffer, Epigram on, 8. 

U. 

Udall, Nicholas, 8. 

Udall, Richard, Captain, 255. 

Ulloa, Alphonfo, 88. 

Ultra loyalty of Gylberte, 19. 

Umpton, Henry, 174. 



Unicorne, horn of, 81, 82. 
Urdaneta, Andrew, the Friar, 78, 79, 
88. 

Uzefucani, 75. 

V. 

Vanafor, Andreas, 57. 
Vafques, Francifcus de Coronado, 61, 
66. 

Venetus, Paulus, 66. 
Ventris, Edward, 253. 
Verarzanus, 61. 
Vernye, John, Captain, 255. 
Vefpucius, Amerigo, 24. 
Victoria, 78. 
Vikings, 35. 
Virginia, 25. 

Voyages to be pretended, 106. 
W. 

Walfhe, Juftice, 258, 263. 
Walfingham, Sir Francis, 9, 18, 28, 

177, 178, 245, 248, 260, 265, 270, 

271, 272, 277, 282. 
Walton, Olyver, gent., 253. 
Walton, Thomas, gent, 253. 
Wants of mips to be fupplied, 127. 
Warde, Captain John, 193, 194, 197. 
Warde's letter to Cecil, 193. 
Warwick, Earl of, 11. 
Wellington, Duke of, 8. 
Wentworth, Peter, 20. 
Weft India, 78. 
Weft Indies, 25, 109, 243, 244. 
Weft Iflands, 89. 
Weftminfter, 277. 
Weft Saxe, 58. 
Weymouth, 156, 160. 



Index. 



Weymouth harbor, 5. 

Whetftone, George, gent., 254. 

Whidon, Mr. Jacob, 254. 

White Bay, 33. 

White, Richard, 207. 

Wight, Ifle of, 256. 

Wigmore, Mr., only witnefs, 252. 

Wigmore, Richard, 253. 

Wild Irifli, 227, 228. 

Willoughbie, Sir Hugh, 84. 

Winchelfea, 213, 214, 215, 217. 

Wingefeld, Jaques, 190. 

Winter, Captain William, 42, 120, 139. 

Wormwood, Earl of, 275. 



Worfeley, George, gent., 255. 
Wray, Robert, gent., 254. 

Y. 

Yarmouth, 32. 
Yoghell, 268, 269. 
Yohall, River of, 275. 
Yorkfhire, 215. 

Z. 

Zeland, 55. 

Zieglerus, Jacobus, 82. 



UOPY OEl.TOaT.DN- 
H)M. 19 ,903 



^utJltcattons of tfje prince g>octetp. 




SIR HUMFREY- GYLBERTE 

AND HIS ENTERPRISE OF 

COLONIZATION IN AMERICA. 



Council of t^e pnncz ^Qtxzty. 

1903. 



EDMUND F. SLAFTER. 
WILLIAM B. TRASK. 
DAVID G. HARKINS, Jr. 
THORNTON K. LOTHROP. 
FREDERICK L. GAY. 
ALBERT MATTHEWS. 
HENRY F. JENKS. 
HENRY W. CUNNINGHAM. 



